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CHECHNYA: Open letter from Olivier Dupuis to the German foreign minister Joschka Fisher Brussels, 7 February 2004. Die Tageszeitung today published an open letter from the Radical MEP Olivier Dupuis to Joschka Fischer, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Federal Republic of Germany. In the letter Dupuis, who has reached the 20th day of a hunger strike that he hopes will finally bring the European Union to address the Chechen issue with determination, draws the Foreign Minister's attention to the risk of considering only the acts of genocide of the past and not seeing those of the present. According to Dupuis, in fact, "other reconnaissance planes, or - more in keeping with our times - satellites, could take or, to be more precise, have already taken innumerable photos just as appalling and horrific; photos of Grozny, for example, of the boundless ruins of the Chechen capital." After recalling the courageous views expressed by the German Foreign Minister during the Kosovo crisis, like when he "affirmed the right of intervention to halt the extermination in progress", Dupuis invites him to study the "anti-terrorist peace plan", as the philosopher André Glucksmann has defined it, presented by the government of the Chechen President Aslan Maskhadov. The full text of the open letter can be found in German, English, French and Italian on the TRP website (www.radicalparty.org). OLIVIER DUPUIS REACHES THE 20TH DAY OF HIS HUNGER STRIKE Olivier Dupuis, Member of the European Parliament and of the Transnational Radical, who began a hunger strike for Chechnya on 18 January, has been examined by his doctor, who has found him to be in good health. You can support the Peace Plan for the establishment of an interim UN administration by signing the international appeal at www.radicalparty.org Statement by Olivier Dupuis in response to Putin's allegations Turin, 6 February 2004. «After the attack on the Moscow underground, Vladimir Putin, as was to be expected, immediately accused those who have signed appeals coming from abroad in support of a reasonable, peaceful alternative to the endless military and terrorist slaughter of the war in Chechnya of complicity with the terrorists. It is worth recalling that there is only one appeal which comes «from abroad», and that it supports only one proposal the Akhmadov-Maskadov plan for an interim UN administration in Chechnya, after the withdrawal of the Russian troops and the disarmament of all the Chechen rebel forces. This appeal has been signed by 145 Members of the European Parliament, dozens of leading international personalities including Sergei Kovalev, Elena Bonner, Lev Ponomarev and Alexander Podrabinek, who were fighting for democracy in Russia when Putin was still a KGB official and thousands of members of the general public all over the world. It is also worth recalling that those in Russia who claim that a negotiated solution would represent a defeat or a surrender to terrorism use the same arguments used by the extremist Chechen minority to isolate and delegitimise President Maskhadov. Both parties know that the continuation of the terrorist war is what allows them to maintain the status quo and legitimise their power. It is now even more important to be clear and to support a single position, both towards the Russians and towards the Chechens. As I pointed out in an interview with the Chechen Times due to appear in the next few days: Even if, and this is the most optimistic military hypothesis, the [Chechen] resistance manages to defeat the Russian forces and expel them from Chechnya, it would be a victory without a political future, because it would lead only to the even greater isolation of Chechnya, so that as happened in 1996 no country would be willing to recognise it. The only solution that can guarantee both a victory for Russia by arresting the serious erosion of democracy and a victory for Chechnya by introducing a mechanism that will allow freedom, the Rule of Law and tolerance to take root is the internationalisation of the peace process through the establishment of an interim UN administration." TRP
Sat Feb 7 MUNICH, Germany (AFP) - US Senator John McCain slammed Russian President Vladimir Putin and listed a litany of alleged violations Moscow had committed against its neighbours under his rule. "President Putin's rule has been characterized by the dismantling of the independent media, a fierce crackdown on the political opposition, the prosecution of a bloody war against Chechnya's civilian population, and a new assertiveness that challenges the democratic and territorial integrity of Russia's sovereign neighbours," he said. McCain, who was named Friday to head an inquiry into the use of intelligence that led to the Iraq war, said that Russia had flouted international military treaties and occupied parts of Moldova and Georgia. Known as a frank speaker, McCain surprised many in the audience of defence luminaries gathered at the 40th annual security conference in Munich, southern Germany, with the vehemence of his condemnation. He said that Russia's access to Euro-Atlantic institutions was based on the understanding that Putin was committed to free markets, the rule of law, democracy, press freedom and the respect of its neighbours. "These now appear to be false premises," he said. "It is time to send a strong signal that undemocratic behaviour and threats to the sovereignty and liberty of her neighbours will not profit Russia ... but will exclude her from the company of western democracies and consign her to the distrust and misfortune she had begun to escape in the more hopeful days of her liberation from tyranny." McCain was speaking during a debate on the future of the NATO alliance, whose enlargement in June to the Baltic states has Russia feeling increasingly threatened.
http://www.chechenpress.info/news/2004/02/07/15.shtml (unofficial translation by M.L.) 06 February 2004 Rebel envoy urges West to exert influence on Russia in tackling Chechen issue The Chechen rebel president's special representative, Akhmed Zakayev, granted political asylum in Britain, has called on the West to exert a "friendly" influence on Russia in tackling the Chechnya problem, whilst maintaining a hard line on humanitarian principles. In his interview with the Chechen rebel news agency Chechenpress, Zakayev stated that Russia's punitive policy in Chechnya is dangerous for the West because it makes Russia's slide towards fascism irreversible. Commenting on his visit to Germany, the rebel envoy also said that he backs the rebel foreign minister's plan of Chechnya's conditional independence and added that this plan is open to discussion and criticism. At the same time, Zakayev touched on the situation of Chechen refugees in Europe and accused the West of discrimination and maltreatment. The following is a text of report by Chechenpress news agency web site headlined "Akhmed Zakayev: 'The Chechen people have reliable friends in Germany'". Subheadings have been inserted editorially: Chechnya has reliable friends in Germany [Saykhan Umarov, Chechenpress] Akhmed, what are your general impressions of your visit to Germany? [Zakayev] I was convinced that the Chechen people have reliable and influential friends in Germany, and that they not only wish, but are capable of persuading their country's government to take a firmer, more principled position on the Chechen tragedy. [Umarov] Germany is an organic part of Europe, and it is even being called the "Mother of Europe". But it is the accepted thing to think about Europe and the West in general as some kind of "calculating machine", which is devoid of altruism, and which turns every foreign political step it takes to its practical advantage in the economy and politics. Do you believe that Germany, through the politicians who really run the country, is capable of "upsetting" the giant Russia, by supporting tiny Chechnya? [Zakayev] There are, of course, grounds for such a sceptical attitude to the West. But the West, if you want to be realistic and unbiased, is not as one-eyed as it is presented by its radically-minded critics. The West is a complex, in many ways contradictory social organism, whose life is affected by the most varied interests and motives. I would like to assure you that there are a great many intelligent people in the West who understand that a truly pragmatic decision cannot be separated from moral foundations or justice. You cannot instil in your citizens the sanctity of humanitarian and democratic principles in domestic life, and at the same time encourage those who violate these principles in their foreign policy. Imagine the father of a family who teaches his children not to steal, but, at the same time, in their presence, takes pleasure in the light-fingered pranks of their neighbours' children. These "double-bottomed" politicians end their careers rather rapidly and ingloriously because they run out of voters. Nobody likes hypocrites, including in the West. This logic works the other way, too. If Western politicians can see that in Russia's domestic life, with the coming to power of Putin, authoritarianism is being re-born, nationalistic and even chauvinistic moods are being sown in society, and if freedom of speech - this most important indicator of democracy - has been virtually reduced to nothing, then this is a true sign that sooner or later Europe, too, will find it is clashing with the aggressive nature of the "new Russia". Not a single country in history has been able to be authoritarian and repressive "within", and democratic and peaceful "without". And it is even more naive to expect this of a country like Russia. The Chechen war proves Russia is sliding towards fascism The Chechen war, and, in essence, the open genocide of the Chechen people, which is being carried out by Putin's regime, has become more visible and tragic proof that Russia is sliding ever more obviously towards fascism. All the signs are there: the punitive sondercommandos, who leave behind them pits where peaceful citizens have been buried on a huge scale, concentration camps with their inhuman torture and executions of prisoners without trial, racism towards the "blacks" in Russia's towns, and periodic pogroms of migrants from the Caucasus. Everyone in the West can see this and there can be few with any illusions as to which direction Putin's Russia is heading. There are certain bounds, beyond which the leaders, who are corrupting the people and turning them into a mob, become hostages to their own depraved ideology, and they are able to remain at the pinnacle of power only by indulging the base instincts of a crowd. The Russian leaders have not yet passed this limit, but they are very close to it. The West still has the power to have a positive influence on the Kremlin, and the Kremlin can still alter the situation in Russia. The West should exert influence on Russia in tackling Chechen problem [Umarov] Nearly all the Western countries talk about themselves as "friends of Russia", but friendship, as we know, forces one to close one's eyes to many things. [Zakayev] The Chechen war, and everything the Kremlin is doing in Chechnya, is a kind of "mirror" of Russia, an indicator of the political and economic climate which is being established there. In this sense, there is a direct link between the war in Chechnya, the suppression of democratic freedoms and the repressions against the so- called oligarchs. By investing huge sums in the Russian economy, the West, naturally, is carefully monitoring and calculating all the processes which are occurring there. Again, we go back to the question of "Western pragmatism". I am convinced that it is precisely those Western countries who set themselves up as "friends of Russia", including Germany, who realize all these facts and threats, who can and must come out as mediators in a Russian-Chechen dialogue. Especially as the Russian-Chechen conflict for a long time now cannot be viewed, either virtually or officially, as "Russia's internal affair". Tens of thousands of Chechen refugees, who have escaped from the Putin-Kadyrov "paradise" into Europe, on the spur of the moment forced this to become the world's problem. Of course, it is clear that the West will not start to put any forceful pressure on Russia over Chechnya. And this would be extremely undesirable for us, too, because any such influence would only lead to the Kremlin's "hawks" gaining even more support in Russian society. It would seem to me much more productive if the West exerted a "friendly" influence on Russia in tackling the Chechen problem, whilst, of course, maintaining a hard line on humanitarian principles. All this means that it is not a question of Russia being large and Chechnya small. Western politicians can see that it is not just inhuman to encourage Russia's punitive policy in Chechnya, but it is also dangerous for the West, because it makes Russia's slide towards fascism irreversible. And it is precisely the determination of many influential Western public figures, in this case German, to achieve a political solution to the problem of Russian-Chechen relations that I see as the natural combination of Western pragmatism and Western ideals of democracy and human rights. Three factors [Umarov] You expressed a similar idea about the mutual stimulation of moral and rationalist motives, but only in relation to Putin, in an interview for Nezavisimaya Gazeta. I will quote: "I believe that Putin cannot fail to recognize the futility of continuing this conflict. Nor can he fail to recognize the impossibility of controlling the situation in the republic. Nor can he fail to recognize the fact that this conflict might go beyond the framework of the Chechen Republic. First and foremost, this is not in the interests of the Russian state. And, as head of state, he should do everything to ensure this does not happen." Do you really believe that Putin is capable - even on practical considerations - of re- examining his intransigent and openly hostile position towards Chechnya and the Chechens? [Zakayev] My good friend Aleksandr Litvinenko wrote in one of his articles that Russia can only be shifted from the path of growing authoritarianism by a combination of three factors: the Chechen Resistance, the West influencing the Kremlin and the democratic forces within Russia. I fully agree with this triple formula. At the very outset of the new Russian incursion into Chechnya, Putin solemnly promised the Russian people "to put an end to the Chechen question" in two or three months. But the "Chechen question" has continued to be a bleeding wound for four and a half years. The Chechen Resistance has not only withstood its most difficult period from the winter of 1999 and the spring of 2000, but it has strengthened considerably, acquired tactical experience and, because of the brutality of the occupation forces, has no shortage of resolute fighters prepared to fight to the end. And whatever myths and fairy tales the Kremlin propaganda machine might feed to the Russian and the world public, the single fact that the war had been going on for so many years is testimony to the strength of the Chechen Resistance. All conceivable and inconceivable means, apart from nuclear weapons, have been used to suppress it, but the Chechens have not only maintained, but have built up the potential of the Resistance. Putin cannot fail to see this obvious fact. That's factor number one. Factor number two - is the position of the West. We have spoken about this earlier, so I will not repeat it. All I will say is that the West is capable of finding and taking the most "persuasive" measures to influence this or that country when it decides that the time is right. Putin understands that modern Russia, sitting on an "oil thorn", is immeasurably weaker, and, consequently, more vulnerable than the USSR, which was able to exist on a regime of autarchy. Nevertheless, even the USSR was unable to withstand a confrontation with the West, the detonator of which was the Soviet venture into Afghanistan. Factor number three - is the democratic opposition to Putin within Russia. Describing himself as a "firm supporter of democracy", Putin was forced, at least formally, "to look beyond", to observe certain liberal rules of the game, which gives Russia's democrats the opportunity to criticize the autocratic processes in the country, to discover the truth about the genocide in Chechnya and to urge the Western countries to put pressure on the Kremlin. To cut short this criticism would mean showing oneself to be a dictator. To accept it would mean the same, because Russian democrats criticize Putin for being dictatorial. One could argue for a long time what Chechnya is in Russia's contemporary history - the cause or the consequence of autocratic tendencies. But one thing cannot be challenged, it is precisely in Chechnya where the key to solving Russia's fateful question lies, or it will again turn into a totalitarian monster, the odd man out in the whole civilized world, or become a normal European country similar to the other countries of the former Warsaw bloc. That is why I am cautiously optimistic regarding the prospects of a peaceful, just settlement to the whole spectrum of Russian-Chechen problems, including the problem of the continuing war. The stakes for Russia and Putin himself here are too high to blindly follow one's emotions and prejudices. Akhmadov plan of Chechnya's conditional independence [Umarov] What role, in your view, can the [Chechen rebel foreign minister Ilyas] "Akhmadov plan", with its central idea of Chechnya's conditional independence, play in this process? Are Germany's politicians familiar with this plan and how do they interpret it? [Zakayev] First of all, I would like to make it clear that the idea of conditional independence is the concept of a peaceful settlement to the Russian-Chechen conflict, including the military component of this conflict, which was adopted by the government of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria [CRI] and endorsed by President Aslan Maskhadov. I say this not in order to belittle the role of CRI Foreign Minister Ilyas Akhmadov in shaping and popularizing this plan, but so that the critics of the "Akhmadov plan", especially those in Chechnya, are aware that this plan is an official document, accepted by the whole CRI government, with my modest participation. I don't want to get drawn into a debate, but accusations that the concept of conditional independence in some way infringes upon the principle of the CRI 's state independence are utterly absurd. The world community, in the form of prestigious international organizations, has become the guarantor of our independence, which is absolutely vital, taking into account the tragic experience of the past decade, when Russia first entered into contractual relations with us and then started the wars. So long as we do not doubt in our ability to successfully stand this historic examination of our own statehood, which is the highest for any people, then we have nothing particularly to fear in the verdict of the international community. Given all this, I in no way believe that the concept of conditional independence is some kind of "holy cow", which cannot be discussed or criticized. In it are revealed the most general principles of how to lead Russian-Chechen relations out of a tragic impasse, but the details can be supplemented and clarified and they can become the subject of negotiations. I am convinced that people in Germany are well acquainted with the concept of conditional independence, and I can assure you that it is supported in every way, because it answers Russia's accusations against us and proposes a sensible compromise on the main contentious issues. Neither we, nor Russia, should fear the word "compromise", because all wars end either in the defeat of one side, or in a compromise. There is no third way. But I would like to stress that the principle of the CRI's state independence, for which the Chechen people have paid a very high price, cannot be the subject of bargaining. Chechen refugees maltreated in Europe [Umarov] The political part of your visit to Germany has been covered in some detail in the Chechen, Western and Russian media. Did you have any meetings which were unplanned or "outside protocol"? If so, what did you take back from them? [Zakayev] I was particularly pleased and moved by a meeting I had with the Chechen migrants who came especially to see me from various towns in Germany and the rest of Europe, often travelling hundreds of kilometres. We chatted for a long time and I told them about the purpose and the results of my trip. In return I heard real, moving stories of the difficult plight of the refugees, the bureaucratic obstacles and constraints they are facing, and the open discrimination against the Chechens because of their ethnic origin. It is a scandal for Europe that this most persecuted people, who have been literally put up for annihilation, are unable to obtain from the local authorities the help and concern given to refugees from any other country. [Umarov] How do you explain this "special" attitude to the Chechens? [Zakayev] I put it down to Russian propaganda, which pulls out all the stops to portray the Chechen people as "international terrorists", bandits, and so on. Unfortunately, some of the European media - some for mercenary reasons, some from feckless imitation and others for purely racist motives - pick up this slander and this is evident in the way they react to the Chechen refugees. At the same time, on closer acquaintance with the Chechens, Europeans very quickly alter their impressions about us and avoid stereotypes. That is why the Chechens show the lowest percentage of crime among the other migrants in Europe, they are industrious, law-abiding and the local people are struck by their businesslike attitude to hard work and education. In many European countries young Chechen sportsmen are performing brilliantly, and wherever there are Chechens there are folklore ensembles and Chechen language circles. I have already said that a generation is growing up in Europe of highly educated young Chechens who are greatly attached to their homeland and its traditions, and who, without doubt, will in time become the "gold reserves" of an independent Chechen state. However, this does not mean that the problems which the Chechen refugees are encountering in Europe are any less acute. Incidentally, it was precisely because of my meeting with my fellow-countrymen, that I raised in the German parliament the question of compliance with the 1951 Geneva Convention, which at times is being violated in the most cynical way in relation to the Chechens. I would like to allude to the verdict of the London Magistrates' Court on this question. If, after many months of painstaking investigation, and massive opposition from the Russian representatives, British justice has recognized my "political status", and if the British court's verdict has been recognized by the whole of the European community, including Germany, why has this precedent not been extended to all Chechen refugees in Europe? After all, no-one doubts that a war is going on in Chechnya or that the Russian authorities are treating the Chechens in a cruel way. I am pleased to report that the deputies in the Bundestag promised to hold an inquiry into instances of the unjust treatment of Chechen refugees and to get the federal government to take tough control over the observation of the lawful rights of our compatriots who have been forced to abandon their homeland. [Umarov] Akhmed, allow me to thank you on behalf of the readers of Chechenpress for this interesting and informative conversation. Talking to Akhmed Zakayev, first deputy prime minister and special representative of the CRI president abroad, was our correspondent, Saykhan Umarov. Chechenpress, 5 February 2004.
Zerkalo, 07 February 2004 [BBC Monitoring] The vice-president of the World Chechen Congress, Gelani Akhmadov, has said that Russia does not want to end the war in Chechnya and is trying to wipe out the Chechen nation. Commenting in an interview with the Azerbaijani newspaper Zerkalo on an international conference on Chechnya held in Belgium, Akhmadov said that the Russian federal forces' activity in Chechnya should be qualified as "state terrorism", rather than a counterterrorist operation. The international community should resort to political and economic pressure to make Russia end war and start talks with rebel leader Aslan Maskhadov, Akhmadov added. He said that the conference adopted a resolution on measures to be taken in this connection. The following is a text of G. Inanc report by Azerbaijani newspaper Zerkalo on 31 January 2004 headlined "Gelani Akhmadov: The paradox is that Russia does not want to end the Chechnya war" and subheaded "The vice-president of the World Chechen Congress is talking about the results of an international conference on the Chechen conflict". Subheadings have been inserted editorially: Police operation or state terrorism? The European Union and the European Parliament are stepping up efforts to settle conflicts in the Caucasus. Following the appointment of a special EU representative for South Caucasus who is expected among other things to seek ways out of regional conflicts, this structure has now decided to sort out the "Chechen conflict". An international conference called "The responsibility of the international community in the question of resolving the Russian- Chechen conflict" was held in Antwerp (Belgium) recently [11-12 December 2003]. Gelani Akhmadov, vice-president of the World Chechen Congress, was a member of the Chechen delegation at the conference. The conference was organized by the European Parliament which came up with some recommendations for the Russian side. Gelani Akhmadov pointed out the European Union's growing interests in regional conflicts. He supported Western experts who see a future for the Caucasus in a confederate association. [Correspondent] From the very outset, Russia has described the activity of its armed forces in Chechnya as a police action to enforce constitutional order, a counterterrorist operation and so on. How do international organizations, such as the European Parliament, the OSCE, the Council of Europe and the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe [PACE], refer to Russia's actions? [Akhmadov] One can describe the war going on in the Chechen Republic for about 10 years to his own liking: as an intrafederal conflict, enforcement of constitutional order and so on. This cannot diminish or end the suffering, massacre, victimization, permanent threat of rough justice, violence, intimidation and holding of the Chechen people in fear. The UN [General] Assembly refers to such actions as terrorism. Examples are not far to seek: just look at Groznyy and all other towns and villages of the Chechen Republic: piles of stones and pits left after air strikes and shelling by the Russian forces. More than 200,000 people were killed, not only Chechens but also Russians - the then residents of Chechnya. We cannot so far count all those wounded and mutilated. Just think carefully about these figures. Imagine for a moment a ravaged republic, casualties running into hundreds of thousands and then give an appropriate definition to those actions. In our case we deal with state terrorism. UN Security Council resolution No 1373 adopted in 2001 points out that terrorism should be fought by all means available, according to the UN Charter. Another UN resolution, No 1377 dated 12 November 2001 reads that acts of international terrorism run counter to the goals and principles of the UN Charter. Financial support, planning and preparations, as well as all other forms of support for acts of international terrorism are also at variance with the goals and principles of the UN Charter. To answer your question, I'd like to focus on two points of that resolution. Point 5 demands that, in accordance with the charters of the international organizations of which the Russian Federation is a member, the leadership of the Russian Federation should be urged to stop its policy of discrimination towards Chechens on the territory of the Russian Federation. Point 4 demands that economic pressure should be put on the Russian Federation making financial aide to the Russian Federation conditional on the security of the Chechen people, envisaging the possibility of imposing political sanctions against Russia. I think these two points of the resolution gave an exhaustive answer to your question. How to make Moscow talk with rebel leader? [Correspondent] How could Moscow be forced into negotiating with [Chechen rebel president] Aslan Maskhadov? [Akhmadov] Many attempts to coerce Moscow have failed. I don't think that the Chechen people are a force capable of coercion. But we can and must agree and sit down at the negotiating table. I think that permanent international efforts to expand understanding among civilizations, settle regional conflicts and resolve a full range of global problems, including those of development, will contribute to international cooperation and partnership, which is necessary in its own right to expand the struggle, as much as possible, against those impeding a peaceful settlement to the Russian-Chechen conflict. [Correspondent] We can see that not a single conflict that arose in the past 50 years has been settled by international organizations. How can you hope for the European Parliament's success in settling this conflict? [Akhmadov] Not quite so. No need to list all conflicts settled by efforts of international organizations and coalitions of states. It is, above all, the victory over the Nazi Germany, it is Vietnam, Afghanistan, Bosnia-Herzegovina and others. Many problems, including the Russian-Chechen conflict, can certainly be settled by joint efforts of states and international organizations. The Chechen people's problem is that we have found ourselves in a zone where too many powers that be have a conflict of interests. [Correspondent] The European Parliament recommends negotiating with Maskhadov. For its part, Moscow argues that "Maskhadov is actually not a commander-in-chief and, therefore, it makes no point negotiating with him. Rebel activity is under control of the Jamaats [religious communities], so even if we get Maskhadov at the negotiating table, the results will have no effect on rebels". [Akhmadov] This is a baseless argument. We've heard negotiation opponents coming up with such excuses for nearly 10 years over the two Russian-Chechen wars. In actual fact, it has always turned out that the Chechens are strictly guided by martial law and wartime rules with everyone obeying the commander-in-chief. It was the case both in the first and the second wars, which is confirmed by all of the president's envoys working outside the Chechen Republic. The Russian military are obviously reluctant to sit down at the negotiating table. Hence all kinds of legends, such as "Maskhadov controls nothing but the chair on which he sits". [Correspondent] Practically simultaneously with your conference, [Chechnya's former deputy prime minister under rebel President Zelimkhan Yandarbiyev] Khozh Akhmed Nukhayev repeated his proposal that Chechnya should be divided into a highland part and a lowland part. Experts say that allegedly Maskhadov, the Kremlin and the USA have accepted that proposal. [Akhmadov] The division of Chechnya into lowland and highland, that is into an oil-and-gas-bearing part and a non-oil-and-gas-bearing part, is a cranky idea by Boris Nemtsov dating back to the first war. The Kremlin likes the idea to divide the Chechen Republic into two because the Kremlin goes by the principle: the worse for Chechnya, the better. This idea is none the better for the fact that Nukhayev has picked it up. Maskhadov has offered a plan for a Russian-Chechen settlement to the Russian leadership and international organizations. The plan has nothing to do with splitting Chechnya into two. As regards the USA, I don't think they will burden themselves with studying that absurd stuff. Who wants war? [Correspondent] The World Chechen Congress is taking so much effort to make Moscow stop hostilities and start peace talks with Maskhadov while Maskhadov's supporters continue hostilities. Do the Chechens want peace? [Akhmadov] Yes, they do. The World Chechen Congress did its utmost during the first and the second war to stop the massacre of Chechens, the annihilation of our nation. The world has never seen such genocide based on ethnicity. What is going on in the Chechen Republic is a disgrace to the entire world, not only to Russia. Should the reason for the war be as you said, the war in Chechnya would have ended without starting. Not a single Chechen wants war. The paradox of this war is that even if President Maskhadov and the entire Chechen nation say to Russia: "That's all, we surrender, lay down arms and recognize Kadyrov as the Chechen president," the war will not stop. Russia will invent any pretext to keep it going, even to the point of declaring that Kadyrov was not elected legitimately, because, as we said earlier, the war was caused by other reasons. For the Chechen people, independence from Russia is not an end in itself but a security guarantee for our people because every new Russian president tramples on it as they like. In conclusion, I'd like to draw the attention of your readers to the resolution passed at the international conference in Antwerp. Participants in the conference declared the following: "It is with pain at heart that we see the tragic situation in the Chechen Republic. More than a quarter of a million graves have appeared on Chechen and Russian land during the two Russian-Chechen wars. We offer deep sympathy to those suffering in this conflict. We condemn violence on any side and in any form, regarding terrorist acts as a result and component of the Russian state's war on the Chechen people. We consider that both the Chechen and Russian peoples need peace, not war. We choose the principle of non-violence and insist on a peaceful settlement to the conflict. This is why we do not judge people but we condemn their acts of violence, thereby creating conditions for an open dialogue". Conference resolution The conference resolution also carries recommendations for the UN, the OSCE, the Council of Europe, the European Union and the entire international community: 1. To urge the leadership of the Russian Federation to immediately stop hostilities and start a negotiating process with the Chechen Republic's legitimate government represented by President Aslan Maskhadov with the direct participation of the international community. 2. To adopt an all-European law granting political asylum to refugees from the Chechen Republic and interpret them as war refugees, victims of genocide and ethnic purge. To recognize the Chechens as a persecuted nation. To provide them, especially the children, with a programme for psychological rehabilitation. To expand the programme to add capacity to temporary accommodation centres (refugee camps) currently in operation in Ingushetia and to improve their living conditions. 3. To organize an international court in charge of the Chechen Republic based on proposals of Mr [Rudolf] Bindig and Mr [Erik] Jurgens, representatives of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe. 4. To exert economic pressure on Russian Federation and to make financial assistance to the Russian Federation conditional on providing security for the Chechen people, taking into account the possibility of imposing economic and political sanctions against the Russian Federation. 5. In compliance with the charters of the international organizations of which Russia is a member, to urge the leadership of the Russian Federation to cease the policy of discrimination towards Chechens on the territory of the Russian Federation. 6. To provide legal and financial support to citizens applying to international courts, to guarantee security for the relatives of the victims and witnesses of crimes committed in the Chechen Republic. 7. To promote the monitoring of human rights violations in the Russian Federation and the Chechen Republic. To support joint projects of human rights organizations in the Chechen Republic and the Russian Federation aimed at ending the conflict via exchange of experience in peacekeeping and non-violence. 8. To regard the coverage of the Russian-Chechen conflict in Europe as inadequate and biased, which helps to conceal military crimes committed by Russian troops and special services and to manipulate public opinion in favour of war and violence. 9. To create a unified centre to provide permanent monitoring and targeted humanitarian aid to residents of the Chechen Republic and to supervise the use of funds allocated to rebuild houses, schools and hospitals in the Chechen Republic. The work of that centre should be open and transparent to non-governmental organizations. 10. To demand that the leadership of the Russian Federation should provide free access to the Chechen Republic's territory for observers, representatives of independent mass media, health and humanitarian organizations. 11. To organize programmes for the medical and psychological rehabilitation of citizens of the Chechen Republic and servicemen of the Russian Federation doing their service on the territory of the Chechen Republic. 12. To urge the governments of European states and international non- governmental organizations to create a united working group for a peaceful settlement of the Russian-Chechen conflict. To urge the European Union, the Council of Europe, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe and the United Nations to render all-round support to this initiative. 13. To urge the leadership of the Russian Federation and the leadership of the Chechen resistance forces to actively cooperate with the working group, including their unimpeded access to the conflict area and guarantees of their security. Participants in the conference also undertook to support this resolution within their respective organizations and proceed from it in their future work and to start dialogue among non-governmental organizations, politicians and governments. They will establish an international network of non- governmental organizations and citizens to support a genuine process of achieving a fair peace and the speediest end to the Russian- Chechen conflict. |