ILYAS AKHMADOV: IT'S
TIME TO STOP SELLING CHECHNYA FOR AFGHANISTAN, FOR IRAQ, FOR CENTRAL ASIA
24/05/2003 | Daymohk
Exclusive interview of the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Chechen Republic
Ichkeria Ilyas Akhmadov to the Information Agency DAYMOHK
Tell us, please, in general, how do you estimate the work of the foreign policy
department of the Chechen Republic Ichkeria from the beginning of the second
Chechen-Russian war? What concrete successes of the Ministry for Foreign Affairs
of the Chechen Republic Ichkeria would you note, were there any omissions, maybe?
Ilyas Akhmadov: It's impossible to tell briefly about the work of the ministry
from the beginning of this war, and it would be more reasonable to discuss the
achievements or omissions of the Ministry for Foreign Affairs after the liberation
of the Chechen Republic Ichkeria, as objective analysis requires consideration
of comprehensive information including confidential. For the moment I'll say
that the information about the work of the ministry is being regularly transferred
to the President of the Chechen Republic Ichkeria.
What main difficulties do you face being compelled, owing to the force of objective
circumstances, to live in the West?
Ilyas Akhmadov: Certainly, there are more than enough difficulties. Functions,
duties and tasks of foreign policy work require constant activity which, unfortunately,
cannot be carried out in the territory of Chechnya because of enemy occupation.
For this reason, the President Maskhadov in the beginning of the war ordered
me to leave beyond the limits of the Chechen Republic Ichkeria to organize and
head foreign policy activities of the Chechen state, which I and my subordinates
are doing now.
Have you constant contacts with the leadership of the Chechen Republic Ichkeria,
in particular, with the president Aslan Maskhadov?
Ilyas Akhmadov: The work of the Ministry for Foreign Affairs is carried out
under the direct control of the President. Of course, we are in constant communication.
Because of extremely difficult circumstances, it has its specificity, probably
it isn't always operative, but we manage to avoid any serious failures.
Recently it has been said much about the so-called "Akhmadov's Plan" which provides
creation of an interim UN Administration in Chechnya - with a view of following
settlement of the military-political conflict between the Republic Ichkeria
and the Russian Federation. How real do you see its implementation, and in what
period? Has this initiative appreciable support in the world community, in the
certain circles of Russian politicians? Are representatives of the leadership
of the Chechen Republic Ichkeria, of the Chechen Armed Resistance unanimous
in respect of key positions of the "Akhmadov's Plan"?
Ilyas Akhmadov: First let's specify the following - this concept of the peace
settlement of the Russian-Chechen conflict is the plan of the Ministry for Foreign
Affairs of the Chechen Republic Ichkeria, and not an individual initiative of
separate persons. Probably, it is called the "Akhmadov's plan" because of lexical
convenience, but actually it is a result of assiduous work of employees of the
ministry for a long period of time.
The careful analysis of the situation was carried out and all possible alternatives
were considered, including proposals on peace settlement of this conflict which
were put forward by some Russian politicians and are known to the public, as
well as all theoretically possible variants from "free associated state" up
to the model of "allied state". Certainly, the starting point for estimation
of these alternatives, were, first of all, true national interests of peoples
of the Chechen Republic Ichkeria and the Russian Federation. Changes in the
international situation and prospects of development of these changes were taken
into account too. Certainly, the possibility of realization of final proposals
was one of the basic requirements.
As a result of this work, the Chechen Ministry for Foreign Affairs put forward
the concept of the "conditional independence" presupposing voluntary acceptance
of the international trusteeship limited in time, provided that after termination
of the period of trusteeship Chechnya would be given legally (de jure) recognized
independence. The condition of such recognition should become a real transformation
of Chechnya into a truly democratic state, which actually will be the task and
the purpose of the temporary international administration. Without any exaggeration,
this formula fully complies with expectations and interests of Chechen and Russian
peoples. It in no way contradicts either the Russian-Chechen Peace Treaty of
1997. Moreover, this formula fully complies with legitimate interests of the
international community including the neighboring Caucasian states. The embodiment
of this concept will certainly lead to peace and economic development not only
in Chechnya, but also in all this region.
Certainly, the realization of this project requires a serious reorientation
of the Russian political elites and responsible policies of the international
community, as well as consistent and responsible policies on the Chechen party.
The development of the situation will show how many time such changes will take,
but these changes are inevitable.
Russia is facing a choice today: to become a truly democratic state with effective
market economy and influential civil society or to share the lot of empires
that failed to reform themselves in a line with change of epoch. Continuation
of the war in Chechnya leads to the last variant, whereas the concept of the
"conditional independence" offers Russia to walk along the first and the only
successful way towards a worthy and well-to-do democratic state.
A great deal, certainly, will depend on the stand of the international community.
The democratic states should cease to testify to their own feebleness and abandon
the policy of connivance in respect of the Russian-Chechen conflict. Inactivity
of the international community in this question not only leads to continuation
of bloodshed in Chechnya, but has a fatally effect on Russia and the general
situation in Europe too. It is time already to understand that the Russian-Chechen
conflict won't disappear by itself. Those who call themselves friends of Russia,
should help it to sit down at the negotiating table and resolve politically
this conflict, and not to doom Russia by their connivance to self-destroying
criminal war which politically, economically, socially and morally destroys
Russia and puts it in one line with rogue-states.
The USA and the European Union have sufficient opportunities to influence some
elements of Kremlin's policy and should use these opportunities. Of course,
nobody calls on for a military confrontation with Russia or to its isolation.
But the international community should change its obvious policy which conditions
acceptance of the war in Chechnya by the readiness of Russia to cooperate in
other areas. It's time to stop selling Chechnya for Afghanistan, for Iraq or
for Central Asia. In their relations with Russia, the USA, the European Union
and its members - states should give an absolute priority to the settlement
of the Russian-Chechen problem. If the benefits of Russia in these respects
are conditioned by its readiness to cooperate on the problem of Chechnya, this
will inevitably lead to positive results. Especially because the offered formula
objectively corresponds to the true Russian interests not less than to the interests
of Chechnya and the international community. As a first step, the international
community should cease to squeeze our centuries-old conflict into "Procrustean
bed" of a newborn global network of terrorism.
Gogol-style reports about drowned Chechens in Afghanistan and Pentagon's reports
about Chechen divisions in Iraq may cause only contemptious bewilderment. It's
time for the USA and Russia to understand that depriving the Chechen resistance
of legitimacy doesn't lead to the settlement of the problem but promotes continuation
of the war and strengthens opposition of both parties.
Introduction of the concept of the "conditional independence" certainly depends
also on actions of the Chechen party. First of all, I would like to call on
all Chechens (as well as all Russians) to familiarize in details with this proposal.
The full text of this document can be found on the page of the Ministry for
Foreign Affairs (www.chechnya-mfa.info) in Russian, English, French, Spanish,
and Italian languages. As it is a major political question, each Chechen has
the right to know what he is offered and to express his opinion. For this reason
the Chechen Ministry for Foreign Affairs, in addition to brochures in English,
printed several thousands texts in Russian and distributed them among Chechens
in all Europe, in Georgia and Azerbaijan. In the near future they will appear
in Chechnya too. Those who want to support this concept, can sign the appeal
to the Secretary General of the United Nations, it has been signed already by
dozens of European deputies, many Chechen and Russian political and public figures,
and ordinary citizens. One can do it on the page of the Chechen state news agency
"Chechen-press". The problem of the Russian-Chechen conflict is, first of all,
concern of Chechens and citizens of Russia. Both Chechens and Russians should
make their contribution to the settlement of this tragedy.
The degree of support of this concept will be revealed by time, but already
now a serious interest to this plan can be stated. From the moment of presentation
of this initiative on March 18, in Washington, I continuously receive assurances
of support practically from every corner of the world. Moreover, I still never
heard any essential counter-argument. All those with whom I discussed this concept
are unanimous in the sense that it offers the most optimum variant of settlement
of this conflict. As you know, a series of articles in the international press
also appraised merits of these proposals. Certainly, we are only at the beginning
of the way. In the international policy, new ideas usually pass several stages
before their implementation. This concept has to pass this process too.
I'll add that I notified about this initiative in written form the Ministers
for Foreign Affairs of all leading states, the United Nations Organization,
the OSCE, the Council of Europe, and other institutes of the international community.
It was also submitted to the European Parliament by the Minister for Health
of the Chechen Republic Ichkeria Umar Khanbiyev and the first vice-president
of the Parliament of the Chechen Republic Ichkeria Selim Beshayev. The work
to promote this concept certainly proceeds and will proceed until its realization.
This is the aim of the work of the Ministry for Foreign Affairs and all official
representatives of the Chechen Republic Ichkeria in the West.
April 22, this concept was approved by the decision of the Parliament of the
Chechen Republic Ichkeria which was also published by your agency. It is self-evident
that prior to its promulgation this concept was sent for consideration to the
President of the Chechen Republic Ichkeria Aslan Maskhadov. He is also the supreme
commander-in-chief of the Chechen Republic Ichkeria. All Chechen armed resistance
is united in the desire to build an independent Chechen state where the power
would be in the hands of the Chechen people which is the meaning of the word
"democracy" in Chechen: "k'oman-1edel". We will build exactly such state which
in addition will be a good neighbour for all states of the region. We want to
be equal among equal. The Chechens will never submit to anything else.
Have you constant contacts with representatives of the American administration?
How would you characterize the decision of the White House to include certain
"Chechen groupings" in the list of the "international terrorist organizations"?
What were, in your opinion, the reasons of the American authorities when they
presented such "gift" to Moscow? Is it a tactical move dictated by momentary
interests of necessary loyalty of the Kremlin in respect of other questions
of international policy, or we should speak about a basic change of the stand
of the USA on the question of the Chechen-Russian war, about a tendency designated
after September 11?
Ilyas Akhmadov: The position of the present administration of the USA concerning
the conflict in Chechnya after terrorist attacks of September 11, was designated
in the statement of the US State Department on September 25, 2001. This position
has three aspects: On the first aspect of this policy the State department stated
literally the following:
"The Chechen leadership, as well as all responsible political leaders in the
world, must unconditionally and immediately interrupt all contacts with the
international terrorist groups".
The second aspect of this position is expressed in the confidence of the USA
that "only political process can resolve the conflict in Chechnya", therefore
"the USA would welcome steps on the part of Russia aimed at true dialogue with
the Chechen leadership".
The third aspect of this position was expressed in the US appeal to Russia "to
refrain from military actions which endanger well-being and legitimate interests
of the Chechen people".
We have completely approved this position, as we never had any connections with
the international terrorists and the political dialogue in defence of well-being
and legitimate interests of the Chechen people is what we are striving for.
On the first aspect of the position of the USA, we have unequivocally declared
that we are ready to undertake immediate and effective actions if the USA give
us the corresponding information about any elements in Chechnya connected with
the international terrorism. Unfortunately, we weren't given any concrete information.
Moreover, our unequivocal support of actions of the USA in Afghanistan and Iraq
certainly shows that the Chechen leadership consistently opposes the international
terrorism and the regimes which support it. As you know, we have repeatedly
said that the Russian-Chechen conflict and the international terrorism have
nothing in common. The Chechen conflict has deep historical roots and legitimate
political aims. It isn't a new phenomenon and it hasn't global or anti-western
character. This conflict existed long before the international terrorism emerged,
and the Chechens never had any contradictions with the western democratic world
just as they hadn't them with any other country except for Russia.
The cause of dispute is entirely limited to the Russian-Chechen conflict. I
hope the present administration of the USA understands it too, as well as all
international community as a whole. It should be especially obvious that in
view of our last proposals on voluntary acceptance of the international administration,
any statements about alleged connections of the Chechen leadership with the
international terrorism are absolutely absurd. Have you ever heard of international
terrorists calling on for introduction of the international trusteeship? I hope
both the USA and the European Union understand the difference between the international
terrorism and the international administration, as well as the difference between
radicalization and democratization of the society. We call on the international
community to support democratization in order to avoid radicalization. I spoke
about this in the course of recent meetings with political and public figures
of the USA, of course, I continue to be in contact with them.
Inclusion by the United States of America of three "Chechen groupings", two
of which simply do not exist, into the list of the "international terrorist
organizations" is the result of three factors.
The first, it was a result of propaganda and pressure of the Kremlin which first
indefatigably "finds" floppy disks with plans of New York in Argunsky canyon,
then "finds out" that all known terrorists of the world for some reason consider
their duty to fly to the USA only through transit landing in Chechnya (probably,
by flights of Aeroflot) or at least in Pankissy gorge. Nothing else is left
but to wonder why the Kremlin till now didn't find in Chechnya any general of
Saddam Hussein or at least members of his party.
The second factor is the desire of the USA to gratify the Kremlin which, as
you have noted, is dictated by momentary interests of necessary loyalty of the
Kremlin in connection with other questions of international policy.
And, at last, the third factor is irresponsible statements and political fantasies
published in the Internet on behalf of Chechen commanders which immediately
are being distributed in the international press. Let the Chechens now draw
conclusions. It is time to stop irresponsible statements that in the result
help the Kremlin to justify the most grave crimes against our people.
Should we expect that the world community will nevertheless strengthen pressure
upon Moscow in connection with events in Chechnya, or the tragedy on Northern
Caucasus for undefined time will remain hardly noticed in the general stream
of international events, when the pragmatism of leading powers will prevail
over "universal values"?
Ilyas Akhmadov: The question here isn't pragmatism. Pragmatists would long ago
understand that the Russian-Chechen conflict destroys not only Chechnya and
Russia, but also the future of Europe. In other words, the future of Europe
will substantially depend on what tomorrow's Russia will be like, which certainly
depends on the settlement of the Russian-Chechen conflict. The international
community should review radically its policy on this problem. Recent suicide
attacks in Chechnya certainly indicate that it is criminal to postpone the resolution
of this conflict. Chechnya needs peace and it needs it now. The sooner the international
community understands it, the better it will be both for Chechnya, for Russia,
and for the international community itself.
Thank you for answering our questions.