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Nov 27 2005 7:17PM Human rights groups skeptical on Chechnya vote MOSCOW. Nov 27 (Interfax) - Human rights campaigners said they doubt Sunday's parliamentary elections in Chechnya will restore peace in the republic. "We do not have sufficient grounds to expect the elections to lead to fundamental positive changes in Chechnya," Human Rights Watch Moscow office chief Alexander Petrov told Interfax on Sunday. A lack of security is one of the main problems facing the republic, he said. "Chechnya has not become safer than it was at the beginning of the year. So far no noticeable changes have taken place from the point of view of security and improving people's lives," Petrov said. Moscow Helsinki Group head Lyudmila Alexeyeva told Interfax that leading human rights organizations chose not to send their observers to Chechnya. "The Moscow Helsinki Group is not monitoring these elections because we do not have enough money to pay our observers. But, frankly speaking, I have not tried to find the money. Judging from what we saw during the republic's previous elections, I know that elections in Chechnya are a farce. It is pointless to monitor them," she said. Nov 28 2005 12:45PM Head of PACE delegation doubts validity of Chechen elections GROZNY. Nov 28 (Interfax) - Head of a delegation of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) to Chechnya Andreas Gross has doubted the correctness of parliamentary elections in conditions when people are being killed and abducted in the republic. The real authorities, law enforcement bodies, are intimidating people, so it is difficult to evaluate the elections in such conditions, even if they are technically correct, he said at a Monday meeting with Chechen President Alu Alkhanov in Grozny. He said that in Chechnya delegation members met ordinary people. They talked to three women - one elderly, one middle aged and one young who were going to vote and were all scared, he said. Members of their families had been killed and the women did not know what had happened to their children, Gross said. The women were sure that law enforcement personnel were involved, he said. In his opinion, such actions undermine the foundations of government. Gross expressed willingness to help the legitimate authorities and to promote strengthening them, because only legitimate authorities can protect people. ANDREAS GROSS: THE ELECTIONS IN CHECHNYA WERE NOT FREE[] Nezavisimaya Gazeta, No. 260, November 30, 2005, EV Andrei Terekhov In this exclusive interview, Andreas Gross, head of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) mission at the elections in Chechnya, comments on the November 27 vote and the situation in Chechnya. Question: In your opinion, were the parliamentary elections in Chechnya free and fair? Andreas Gross: These elections were not free and fair, no doubt about it. However, such characteristics are possible only in a mature democracy, and no one should be surprised that it's impossible in a society split by war, such as Chechnya in Russia, where the attempt to build democracy is fairly young. To have free elections, citizens must be free. To be a free citizen, you must not be in terror of life. We talked to three women in Achkhoi-Martan. They all participated in the elections, and they all expressed a deep fear. Moreover, most the population are unemployed. Lack of security can undermine any elections. That's why it's so important to involve the opponents into the process, and to get on the top of the security forces, which are not subject to the elected authorities and trials. That's why it's so important to recover economy, rural areas and people's souls. There is money for these tasks, but over half of it is embezzled. To have free elections, you need an opportunity to choose between different political variants. One of the most interesting political parties - the Russian Republican Party, which intended to build bridges in this polarized and split society - was disqualified for some rather dubious reasons. It's true that in Chechnya many do not feel like parting with hope, and they hope that the parliament will help them to get out of their miserable situation. That's why it's so, indeed - voter turnout was over 30%, at least. Still, under such circumstances it's difficult to organize elections which will lead to formation of a genuinely democratic parliament. Question: What can you say about the election campaign? Andreas Gross: Such fundamental freedoms as the freedom of opinion and _expression, freedom of assembly and freedom of movement were not guaranteed for everyone. This factor, together with the permanent fear, undermined the election campaign. There were some party assemblies, where program issues and views were discussed, but there was no inter-party debate. However, this also can hardly be expected in a society, where no basic reconciliation process has begun yet. Question: Was the "administrative resource" used in Chechnya? Andreas Gross: I'm sure it was. Those who professionally depend on the authorities, were afraid to show their non-compliance and evident oppositional character. We saw it at the meeting with the so-called non-governmental organizations, which are 50% governmental "non-governmental." Later, most representatives of non-governmental organizations complained that they were told not to make any statements. They said they fear to openly express their discontent, as they have already had relatives disappeared, and no one was ever charged with it. Question: Will the new parliament be presentable? Andreas Gross: The great problem of Chechnya is that actual power is in the hands of private semiofficial security forces, which see their legitimacy in the fact that they fight "terrorists." At the same time, the official authorities, which are at least set in some legitimacy, are too weak to materialize the legal will and interests of the most of citizens. We had a meeting with a flesh embodiment of the actual power - Ramzan Kadyrov, and passed to him these and other criticisms. He listened to them and answered very confidently, but not self-critically enough. In four hours, we discussed the same observations with much more serious and attentive President Alkhanov, who is in a most complicated situation. He also notes some special traditional, "obsolete" features of the Chechen society, undermining democracy and human rights establishing. Ramzan makes use of these contradictions, while President Alkhanov suffers from it, in my view. The Kremlin shouldn't entrust many of its powers to Ramzan Kadyrov, as this not only works against the key interests of Russian society, but undermines such basic values as human rights and democracy. In its turn, it will play into the hands of gangs of Islamic fundamentalists and terrorists of the kind of Basaev. Translated by Tatiana Khramtsova Separatists denounce 'farcical' Chechen poll Nick Paton Walsh Monday November 28, 2005 The Guardian Chechnya voted for a parliament yesterday in the Kremlin's latest attempt to pacify the war-torn republic. The ruling United Russia party was expected to win a majority in the first parliamentary election since Russian troops reoccupied the region six years ago. Analysts say the vote is aimed at cementing the power of Ramzan Kadyrov, 28, the son of the assassinated president, Akhmed Kadyrov. After casting his vote, Mr Kadyrov told the Interfax news agency that the once-separatist republic was "evolving into a fully fledged member of the Russian Federation". Election officials said turnout could have been as high as 70%, but the pro-independence Kavkaz Center website claimed a figure of 5% to 7% and denounced the elections as "the latest farce". More than 24,000 police and troops provided tight security during the vote. Chechnya is still beset by violence, with rebel fighters launching regular attacks on government troops and police. Martial law is still in force, and before the election human rights groups said a free vote would be impossible. A senior policeman in Grozny said the vote had been decided beforehand and warned it could usher in a period of civil war as Mr Kadyrov moves to assert his complete control over armed groups which support Russian rule. A broad array of candidates campaigned for 58 seats in the two-chamber parliament, including Mogamed Khambiyev who served as defence minister during brief independence from 1997 to 1999 and who was still fighting alongside separatist militants 18 months ago. He said: "Today there is madness in Chechnya, but I want to use political means, not arms, to fight it. Our first task is to stop the war here." Mr Khambiyev's cousin was abducted in 2002 and his whereabouts remains unknown. But he denied he had been pressured into running. "These elections were of course free and honest," he said. But many local residents remain resentful and doubted the vote could lead to any improvements in their lives. Near a polling station in the village of Assinovskaya, Marina Makhchiyeva, 59, said she planned to vote, but added: "Nothing is going to change. This is Chechnya, nothing ever changes." Chechens too scared to vote in 'sham' poll The Times,UK Nov.26, 2005 Jeremy Page in Grozny TWENTY months ago Magomed Khambiyev was hiding in the mountains of southern Chechnya, planning his next guerrilla raid on Russian forces. The rebel general spent a decade trying to drive out federal troops and has served as "defence minister" in the separatists' unofficial government since 1999. But this week he was wandering through Grozny in a dark suit and open-necked shirt, openly campaigning as a candidate in tomorrow's Chechen parliamentary elections. The official explanation for his transformation is simple: on March 5 last year he came down from the mountains, laid down his weapons and surrendered. "I decided that it would be better to use words than guns," he told The Times before a campaign meeting in Argun, a town near Grozny. "I'm a patriot. I've always been with the people. When there is a parliament and there are laws, I will be able to do something for them," he said. The Kremlin presents Mr Khambiyev's capitulation as proof that its peace plan for Chechnya is working. The election is the final step in a process that began in 2003 with a referendum, an amnesty for rebels and the election of a proMoscow president who was replaced in another poll last year after he was assassinated. The parliament, the argument goes, will give its people their first legitimate forum to air their grievances since President Putin sent troops back to the region in 1999. Local officials have duly plastered Grozny with posters promoting the 400 candidates from eight different parties involved. "Vote for your future!" says one. "Control the authorities! Vote!" says another. But the posters look almost absurd against the backdrop of Grozny's obliterated apartment blocks and potholed streets patrolled by Russian tanks and heavily armed soldiers. Many Chechens say they are too scared to vote in a region still racked by clashes between rebels, Russian forces and pro-Moscow Chechen militia. Critics have dismissed tomorrow's poll as a sham designed to boost Mr Putin's credibility and soften Western criticism of his policies towards Chechnya. Two respected human rights organisations, Memorial and Demos, this week condemned the election as an "imitation of a political process" in a "virtual" Chechnya. "The international community is making an irreparable mistake when it...acts as if it believes that the situation in Chechnya is getting better, as if elections under the threat of automatic weapons were elections," they said. The reality of the peace process, they say, is that the referendum and the presidential polls were rigged, and many rebels who accepted amnesty have subsequently disappeared. The Kremlin's real plan is to "Chechenise" the conflict by handing power to Ramzan Kadyrov, the 29-year-old son of Akhmad Kadyrov, the assassinated President, and the most powerful man in Chechnya, commanding a private army of about 4,000 men. The incumbent President, Alu Alkhanov, is supposed to stay in office until 2008, but many expect Mr Kadyrov to take over after he reaches the minimum age of 30 next year. Analysts say that the new parliament will be packed with his supporters - including the newly transformed Mr Khambiyev. But he, too, is part of an elaborate illusion. He initially said that he surrendered voluntarily, but later revealed that he was coerced after Mr Kadyrov's men kidnapped 30 to 40 of his relatives. Russian forces had already seized one of his brothers, Ali, from a hospital in their home town of Benoi in 2002, and he has not been seen since. "What can a man do in such a situation?" Mr Khambiyev said. He clearly had no option when asked to run as a candidate for the liberal Union of Right Forces party; reportedly under pressure from Mr Kadyrov. Mr Khambiyev, 43, says that the only way to end the war is to negotiate with the rebels. He also blames federal forces for recent disappearances. Memorial says that about 5,000 people have gone missing since 1999, including 236 this year. But he refuses to criticise Mr Kadyrov, despite widespread reports that his men are responsible for the kidnappings. "If he stands for president, I'll support him," he said. "No one wants to control Ramzan Kadyrov because he is the only man who can bring order to Chechnya." * TROUBLED ROAD 1991 Dzhokhar Dudayev declares independence 1996 Rebels seize Grozny 1997 Aslan Maskhadov elected President 1999 Prime Minister Putin sends in Russian troops after militants attack Dagestan 2003 President Putin announces peace plan 2004 President Kadyrov assassinated. Replaced by Alu Alkhanovanother Moscow loyalist Some 16,000 servicemen to vote in Chechen elections KHANKALA. Nov 25 (Interfax) - About 16,000 Russian Defense Ministry servicemen have been put on voter lists to cast their ballots in parliamentary elections in the Chechen republic on November 27, the Combined Federal Forces in the North Caucasus told Interfax. "These servicemen have been given the right to take part in the voting in the Chechen parliamentary elections because they are permanently stationed in the republic's territory," it said. The polling stations where the servicemen can vote are located at Defense Ministry bases in the communities of Khankala, Shali, Borzoi and Kalinovskaya. Chechens vote in their 'no choice' election By Adrian Blomfield in Grozny (Filed: 28/11/2005) Under the watchful eye of Russian soldiers, Chechens dutifully queued to vote yesterday in a carefully stage-managed parliamentary election designed to consolidate the powers of the province's latest Moscow-backed strongman. The outcome of the poll is not in doubt. Chechens may have been presented with a bewildering choice on ballot papers, but most were aware that there was no choice at all. The candidates all belong to Moscow-based parties and are loyal to Chechnya's prime minister Ramzan Kadyrov, widely seen as a Kremlin puppet. Chechnya's real opposition remains in its southern mountain bases, from where it has carried out a relentless guerrilla war against the Russian army, which sent troops to the breakaway region in 1999. Chechens are weary of the fighting that has devastated their homeland, but it is unlikely they have much affection for Russia, whose brutal conduct of the war is responsible for much of the destruction. Nearly all those who spoke to Western journalists yesterday said they supported Russia's ruling party, United Russia. "I am supporting United Russia," said Mariam, a female voter after casting her vote in a village 22 miles west of the capital Grozny. "It is the only way to end the violence." There were supposedly impromptu scenes of jubilation at one polling station, where an old woman played the accordion, her aged companion sang boisterously and children danced with white-haired men. But nervous voters emerged from another station, refusing to talk as anxious minders kept journalists away. For the administration of President Vladimir Putin, the number of people who voted is likely to be more important than the result, giving the election some credibility. A high turnout is likely to have been guaranteed by Mr Kadyrov's widely feared and powerful militia, who are reported to have persuaded many to exercise their democratic rights. "It can cause you problems if you don't vote," admitted one man. "I just went in and put my cross anywhere." The poll is the culmination of Mr Putin's plans to politically normalise Chechnya, the scene of two crippling wars since 1994, three years after the province declared independence. Russian aerial and tank bombardment, often with little regard for civilian casualties, ensured that Grozny has become perhaps the world's most ruined city. The Russian army, largely made up of poorly trained conscripts, has taken a heavy toll, too. Russian soldiers come under daily attack from rebels, who have taken on an increasingly extremist Islamic tinge. Mr Putin is keen to hand over military responsibility of Chechnya to Mr Kadyrov's irregulars, who are accused of carrying out many of the abductions and atrocities. Mr Kadyrov has become Chechnya's most powerful leader since the assassination last year of his father Akhmat, who was installed as Russia's client president in the region. Although incumbent President Alu Alkhanov's term in office is due to end in 2008, many expect Kadyrov will take over next year when he turns 30. Deutsche Presse-Agentur November 28, 2005, Monday 16:04:14 Central European Time ROUNDUP E.U. monitors: Chechnya poll was "not free", Kreml wins Grozny: Parliamentary elections in Russia's war-torn Caucasus republic of Chechnya were "not free", according to official observers by the European Council. The poll was won by the Kremlin-backed United Russia party with 61.45 per cent of the votes, the official election commission announced Monday, with 237 of Chechnya's 430 election precincts counted. However, Rudolf Bindig, rapporteur on Chechnya for the Council of Europe's assembly cast a shadow over the results in Grozny Monday, saying: "In a climate of fear and anxiety, there can be no genuinely free elections." The Communist Party was in second place with 11.99 per cent. It was closely trailed by the liberal-oriented Union of Right Forces (SPS) with 10.93 per cent, with a former Chechen rebel fighter on its candidate list. Final official results are due to be announced later in the week. A total of 353 candidates had run for seats in the new parliament, comprising the Republican Council upper house with 21 members and the People's Assembly lower house with 40 members. Russian President Vladimir Putin called the elections the final building block in the reconstruction of all public institutions in the war-torn area. "A legitimate parliament has been elected in Chechnya," he said, adding voters had shown that "nothing and nobody could intimidate them." However, Russian human rights activists denounced the elections as a "farce" and challenged the official figure, according to which voter participation had been 66 per cent. The feared clan of Deputy Prime Minister Ramzan Kadyrov and Russian security forces were still the group who held "the real power" in Chechnya, E.U. representative Bindig and Swiss delegation head Andreas Gross agreed. "This real power is intimidating the people," Gross added. Kadyrov, the 29-year-old son of former president Akhmat Kadyrov, who was assassinated in 2004, is the strong man in Chechnya, entrusted by Moscow to keep order at any cost. However, Sunday's elections were important despite such principal objections, Bindig said. "People in Chechnya were exhausted and without hope after more than 10 years of brutal conflict, but they participated in the polls nonetheless in order to register their concerns," he added. Among those elected were a Russian army colonel, a traffic warden and a former policeman. European Council observers called on Chechen President Alu Alkhanov to negotiate a possible solution to the conflict with exiled members of the separatist rebel movement . Alkhanov rejected the proposal and called the London-based Chechen spokesman Ahmed Zakajev a "criminal" with whom the government could only begin talks, if his crimes had been officially pardoned. More than 100,000 people have been killed in the conflict since 1994. There were no reported incidents of violence in the first parliamentary election in the region since 1997. However, voters cast their ballots amid heavy security with 24,000 soldiers and police forces deployed to prevent rebel attacks in the troubled region. dpa fk ff pw emc pb Few voters turn in Chechnya PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN CHECHNYA: NO CLEAR WINNER At noon on November 27, Russian TV broadcast a report about the progress of that day's parliamentary elections in Chechnya. The correspondent was standing alone inside the heavily guarded government headquarters in Grozny. No other people were visible in the area and the scene was quiet except for a working generator. But if it was so calm in the most-secure location in the Chechen capital, then how silent must it have been out in the streets of the city? The same program also showed empty election precincts in Grozny; apparently the Chechens were in no hurry to take part in their first parliamentary elections since 1997. Thus even a censored Russian TV channel, an official propaganda outlet, made plain the failure of the Kremlin's Chechen project. Most of the Chechens simply refused to vote. According to Kavkazsky Uzel correspondents, very few people went to the polls in Grozny. Only 45 votes had been cast by 11:00 am in election district no. 361 and only 75 voters had gone to the polls in district no. 369 by noon. By 2:15 p.m. only 146 voters had visited district no. 380 (Kavkazsky uzel, November 27). These districts are located in the most populated areas of the Chechen capital, and the real numbers show a turnout of less than 10% of registered voters. Even fewer people voted in the city in the afternoon, when Chechens usually are hurrying home before dark. Vremya novostei ironically described Grozny as "calm and silent as usually happens on voting days" (Vremya novostei, November 28). The Russian authorities had been worried about the turnout and made a variety of promises to lure voters to the polls. Alu Alkhanov, the pro-Russian leader of Chechnya, promised the withdrawal of Russian troops after the elections, while other announcements said that people would be compensated for houses destroyed during the war, and public transport in Grozny would be free for pensioners and veterans of war. It was even promised that Chechens sentenced to various prison terms outside Chechnya would be moved to local prisons, making visitation easier (regnum, November 17). However, none of these tricks worked. The Chechens had no interest in the parliamentary vote. At a government meeting on November 15, Sergei Abramov, prime minister of the Chechen government, had to admit to the likelihood of a "low turnout at polling stations" and ordered district governors to use their resources to conduct elections more effectively. "Our future in a united legal space of Russia depends on the vote at the parliamentary elections," Abramov concluded (regnum, November 17). On November 21, Yevgeny Lazebin, the commander of the United Group of Federal Forces in Chechnya, warned that the militants would try to disrupt the elections by terrifying people and blackmailing officials (Interfax, November 21). Such gloomy forecasts enraged people in the Kremlin who wanted to demonstrate that the Chechen elections were not a fake. An unofficial delegation of European politicians from the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) planned to be in Chechnya on November 27 to observe the vote. Abramov, personally responsible for the success of the election project, was frantically shuttling between Moscow and Grozny until he was injured in a traffic accident rushing to the airport to fly back to Chechnya after a meeting in the Kremlin. After Abramov was injured, Dmitry Kozak, the Russian presidential envoy to the Southern Federal District, went to Grozny to supervise preparations for the elections, but nothing could get ordinary Chechens interested in the voting. Many young Russians from the pro-Russian President Vladimir Putin's Nashi movement who had been sent to Chechnya to monitor the elections were shocked at seeing almost empty polling stations. "I don't know what to say. I will report it to our leadership," one of them noted (Newsru.com, November 28). The PACE emissaries also concluded that the elections were a shame even though the Russian authorities did not let them see much. "The elections were not free," Andreas Gross, the head of the Assembly mission, said in a November 30 interview with Nezavisimaya gazeta. The Europeans noted a rapid increase in the number of votes recorded in some election districts in the afternoon (Kavkazsky Uzel, November 28). Such afternoon inflation usually happens when officials throw empty ballots into poll boxes to make it look as though more voters participated and to falsify the results. The poor turnout has encouraged the Chechen rebels. "As with all of Moscow's previous attempts to force its will on the Chechen people on fear of death, this farce completely failed," according to a statement issued by the separatist government's press agency (Kavkaz-center, November 28). Few Chechens considered the elections to be legitimate or relevant. In a rally in Grozny just six days before the vote, people who were protesting the murder of three Chechen civilians by Russian soldiers declared, "If the Russians do not care about us, we will not care about their elections" (Kommersant, November 22). The Kremlin can still score a propaganda victory. Almost simultaneously the leadership of the European Union and the U.S. State Department issued official statements calling the elections "an important step towards a wider representation of different opinions within Chechen society." In reality, however, the elections have demonstrated quite the opposite; namely, Chechens are united by their hatred for Russia. The election boycott shows that, despite much suffering and many losses, Chechen society does not recognize the legitimacy of the local pro-Russian government and is still keen to continue to press for Chechen independence. --Andrei Smirnov From Jamestown Foundation Eurasia Daily Monitor eng.kavkaz.memo.ru Caucasian Knot 28/11/2005 Grozny ignores parliamentary election - Memorial The Human Rights Centre Memorial says that, counter to expectations of the human rights defenders who had predicted relatively high attendance in Grozny in connection with possible support of candidates by their relatives or fellow villagers, attendance in the capital of Chechnya was much lower than in the previous elections. "All day long, the usually busy centre of the capital remained empty; the chairmen of commissions at all polling stations visited by Memorial officers also complained about low activity of voters," says a press release mailed to Caucasian Knot. "The human rights defenders had to admit that the majority of the population of Chechnya's capital has ignored the elections to the republican parliament. Moreover, Memorial officers have been able to register obvious gaps between the voter figures given by commission chairmen and observers from political parties," the human rights defenders report. According to Abdulkhamid Yakh'yaev, an electoral commission chairman, 400 electors voted at station No 361 (on the premises of a temporary accommodation point for refugees) by 11.00 a.m. According to observers from political parties who counted every voter, the people who dropped ballots into the ballot boxes numbered 45. One hundred and ninety-eight people voted at station No 369 (75 Griboedov St) by 12.00 a.m., said commission chairwoman Malika Bashayev. Meanwhile, Yabloko observers say that 75 voted. Two hundred and seventy people voted at station No 380 (school No 48) by 1.00 p.m., according to the information provided to Memorial by commission chairwoman Alpatu Munayev, while observers say that just 146 voted by 2.15 p.m. The total number of voters at this station is 1,468. Two hundred and thirty-six people voted at station No 379 (school No 14) by 2.30 p.m., according to chairwoman Elizaveta Davletmurzayev's information. When giving these figures to a Memorial officer, the commission chairwoman saw other officers of the human rights centre talk to observers. According to the observers who lost count "per head," it was 200 (plus or minus 5-10 voters). One hundred and seventy-eight people voted at station No 377 (school No 7), according to chairwoman Emila Daulakov's information. The voters totalled 100, according to observers. It should be noted that the Memorial officers monitored the parliamentary elections in the most densely populated districts in Grozny. November 30th 2005 · Prague Watchdog / Umalt Chadayev Results of parliamentary elections in Chechnya were as predicted By Umalt Chadayev CHECHNYA - The Chechen parliamentary elections organized by the Moscow-backed authorities have passed off without sensation. Almost all the predictions of observers were confirmed. The Chechen parliament has become "Kadyrovite". As expected, victory in the elections went to "United Russia", which received an absolute majority of seats in the parliament. The parliament is now composed exclusively of this pro-Kremlin party plus the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (KPRF) and the Union of Rightist Forces (SPS), each of which, if we are to believe the preliminary data of the Chechen Central Electoral Commission, received 11% of the vote, while "United Russia" was supported by more than 61% of voters. Human rights workers dispute electoral commission's data In spite of the fact that the majority of Chechen citizens ignored the November 27 elections, the authorities declared them to have "taken place". Moreover, the Chechen electoral commission spoke of "the high activity of citizens during the day of voting" and said the turnout exceeded 60%. Particular emphasis is being placed on the fact that no complaints by observers reached the electoral commission, and that voting took place in a situation of calm. However, journalists and representatives of NGOs who visited the electoral districts say that the reverse is true. "According to the observations of our staff who monitored the situation at the polling stations in Grozny, there was no `high activity' of citizens during the day of voting", says a representative of the "Memorial" human rights centre. "At practically all the polling stations the turnout during the first half of the day, which is the time when most citizens usually go to cast their vote, was only 5-10%. In the villages these numbers might be higher, say 20-25%, because the candidates who were standing there were supported by neighbours, relatives and friends." Meanwhile the Chechen leadership and the representatives of the electoral commission announced that 25% of voters had already participated in the elections by noon on November 27. High-ranking officials asserted that the elections were "open, democratic and transparent". "What kind of democracy can one speak of if the names of many of the future deputies were known a minimum of twenty-four hours in advance? Thus, for example, as early as November 26 we received information that in constitutency No. 7 of Kurchaloy District, where Ayshat Israpilova and Salman Zakriyev were standing as candidates for election to the Republic's Council (the upper house), Zakriyev "would get in", since he is Ramzan Kadyrov's brother-in- law," says the worker of "Memorial". "In the adjacent constituency of the same district, where three candidates were standing for election – Arbi Esembayev, Adam Khamidov and Aslanbek Aydamirov – the person supposed to be elected was Aydamirov, who is the brother of Kadyrov's wife," he says. "That is precisely what happened. Already on the evening of November 28 it became known that these two candidates [Zakriyev and Aydamirov] had been `elected' as deputies." This time the elections were held without refugees The Chechen refugees who live in temporary accommodation on the territory of Ingushetia, and who according to different estimates comprise from 23,000 to 40,000 people, were not involved in the voting this time. While during the referendum on the republic's constitution (in 2003) ballot boxes were provided in the refugee camps, and during the elections of presidents Akhmad Kadyrov and Alu Alkhanov (in 2003 and 2004 respectively) special buses were laid on to take the refugees to the polling stations in Chechnya, this time the authorities simply ignored the forced migrants. "No one is really interested in our opinion," considers 44-year-old Aslambek Sardalov. "The authorities only remember us when they need to conduct some routine loud-mouthed campaign about `the voluntary return of refugees to the motherland', or ask the international community for the next tranche of aid for the needy refugees, which seldom ever reaches us." "This time they [the Chechen authorities] didn't even consider it necessary to make it look as though the conditions had been created for the refugees to take part in the elections. Even though I don't think people would travel to this `event', nevertheless... Actually, for us it was no secret that the results of these elections were determined in advance, and that this parliament will be composed only of people whom the `Kadyrov team' has appointed." Translated by David McDuff. Military commandant wins election in Chechnya's rural district 28.11.2005, 08.03 GROZNY, November 28 (Itar-Tass) - Colonel Alexander Radvan, the military commandant of Chechnya's Itum-Kali district has won parliamentary election there, getting a hundred votes more than his closest contender, the chairman of the republican Electoral Commission, Ismail Baikhanov said. Col Radvan got 1,676 votes, outdoing the closest candidate, Vakhit Alkhastov. Counting of votes in the constituencies continued Monday morning. Election law provides two weeks for the Electoral Commission to finalize formalities pertaining to vote-counting. Comment: Only in Chechnya; a commander of the occupying military forces participates in "the election" as a candidate, and wins. M.L.