news.amnesty feature

Russian Federation: Agony without end for families of the "disappeared"

Index: EUR 46/032/2005 Date: 30/08/2005

"Raissa" was seven months pregnant when her husband, a young man from Ingushetia, "disappeared" in June 2004. He was reported to have been detained by members of the Federal Security Service (FSB) in the Russian Federation republic and taken across the internal border to Chechnya.

"Raissa" looked for her husband in Chechnya and in Ingushetia. Travelling from the main Russian military base in Khankala to the procuracy in Ingushetia, she spoke to the border guards in Ingushetia and to the police. She told Amnesty International that sometimes she was ridiculed and, when she filed a complaint with the European Court of Human Rights, she was threatened. She was told to withdraw her complaint if she did not want her children to become orphans.

Another time, she was asked for a large amount of money in order to buy her husband back. She has recently left the Russian Federation out of fear for her own and her children's lives. Other members of her family remain in the North Caucasus; she also fears for their lives and does not want her name to be revealed.

The office of the Procurator General of the Russian Federation and other official sources state that about 2,500 people have been abducted or "disappeared" in Chechnya since the beginning of the second armed conflict in the republic in 1999. The authorities have admitted that members of the Russian federal forces and Chechen law enforcement agencies have been involved in the "disappearance" of civilians.

Nearly every person living in Chechnya is likely to have been affected by "disappearances". A relative, a friend, a neighbour may have been taken away and his or her fate and well-being remains unknown to those left behind.

"Disappearances" and abductions cause a particular agony for relatives of the victims, unable to determine whether the victim is alive or dead, unable to go through bereavement and unable to resolve legal and practical matters such as pensions and inheritance. For them, the "disappearance" continues without end.

Amnesty International interviewed Zara Gekaeva (54), a widow from Avtury, whose 27-year-old son was detained by armed men in the centre of the small Chechen town, Shali, on 7 July 2003. According to Zara Gekaeva, who is disabled, her son, Timur Ibragimovich Soltakhanov, who was living with her and taking care of her, was out buying food in the market. She said that a group of policemen, and possibly members of the FSB, came to the market in search of a wanted member of the armed opposition.

During an ensuing shoot out, Timur Soltakhanov was injured and detained. According to witnesses, he was taken to the local procuracy where it was found that he needed urgent medical treatment. However, it appears that he was not taken from there to the hospital, but may instead have been taken to the Russian military base in Khankala.

When his mother, together with members of a local human rights organization, turned to the local procuracy, they were told that no one by the name of Timur Soltakhanov was known there and that the police had only detained the wanted member of the armed opposition on 7 July.

Zara Gekaeva's said that her life stopped on that day. For more than two years now, she has spent all her time looking for her only child. She has written to the authorities in Chechnya and to the federal government in Moscow, she has travelled throughout the North Caucasus in order to meet with human rights activists, journalists and members of the International Committee of the Red Cross, hoping that someone would be able to tell her why her son was detained and what has happened to him.

Often, families are faced with several "disappearances". Those who look for their beloved "disappeared" relatives often risk becoming victims of "disappearance" or other human rights violations themselves. Marzet Imakaeva, like several other people Amnesty International has spoken to, had to leave the Russian Federation in order to protect her remaining family from further persecution. She had refused to withdraw a complaint with the European Court of Human Rights following the "disappearance" of her eldest son, Said-Khusein Imakaev, in December 2000 and the subsequent "disappearance" of her husband, Said-Magomed Imakaev.

Rebaat Vakhaeva, an elderly woman whose only son Kazbek "disappeared" in 2000, was beaten up in early summer 2004 when she and other women requested information from the authorities in the Chechen capital Grozny about their relatives.

"There were many policemen and federal forces. They insulted us, beat and punched us. I showed them a picture of my son: `Look I have a son, just like you. I just want to know where he is. How can you do this?' I cannot sleep and eat anymore. I walk around all the time and think of him. I don't know anything about him. When I go to the local administration, they ask for forgiveness: `If you don't forgive us, we will not have peace.' I do not even know what I should forgive them for, for killing my son or for taking him away?" ********


The Application of the Chechens, Living in Hamburg

We, the Chechen refugees living in Hamburg , have gone through difficult days in the end of August. On the 24 th of August, 2005 , in all newspapers of Germany there was information that three people, speaking the Arabian language, prepared for an act of terrorism in Hamburg . But in the photos in newspapers there were photos of young men from our community, whom we knew only from the most positive side. Thus we observed, how the German special troops had surrounded, practically, all places, where Chechens lived.

Understanding, that the young men, shown in newspapers, were fair and decent people, who could not do anything illegal, especially an act of terrorism, we saw, how some unclear grandiose provocation was being prepared against us.

Remembering the recent events in London , about acts of terrorism and execution of an innocent citizen of Brazil there, we waited, what would happen further, we were sure, that three innocent people had been appointed to be victims. We have got such an experience of life in Russia , when special services arrest Chechens without the slightest grounds, and then force them to take up any crimes, which they have not committed with beatings and tortures and open a false case against them.

Fortunately, the Hamburg police have not lowered down to such a level, and after careful interrogation, having become convinced that the denunciation of an "Egyptian" was false; the police released the arrested people. We are even grateful to the police that they have not assimilated to the Russian militia, which in this case would fabricate false charges and imprison innocent people for long years.

But, nevertheless, we believe, that the roughest legal crime is committed against all of us: special troops used to rush into our houses, breaking out doors, offending and humiliating us. First, we have been slandered for the whole world: a lot of newspapers, the Internet-sites, TV and radio published materials unfairly discrediting us. Secondly, three innocent people were detained, though two of them voluntary came to a police station as soon as they had seen their portraits in newspapers. Thirdly, we have lived these three days in a condition of an extreme risk: these three, who were suspected, and each of us could be shot, like the Brazilian in London , by policemen who, practically, had surrounded and blocked each Chechen family.

We understand that the police should struggle against terrorism and prevent it, and we support it.

But we also have become witnesses of that the police distributed obviously not proved information in mass press, specifying particularly at the people of the Chechen nationality; thus the police promoted expansion of a large-scale political propaganda provocation in press against us, Chechen refugees.

The Anti-Chechen propaganda action in press has passed successfully. Now we have become derelicts of the society, none of us can easily go out in the street, neighbors have stopped to communicate with us, our children do not want to go to school, they are already offended and humiliated by schoolmates.

Who is responsible for the injustice admitted in relation to us? So far we do not see any material correcting this roughest mistake or a crime in press; nobody has apologized to us. The three people, whose portraits were published in all newspapers, cannot appear in streets at all, because now people see criminals in them, their position is very risky and dangerous, and it is unclear, what their status is: whether they are still suspected or not, whether there is a criminal case against them or not, whether there still is operatively-search information against them in computers? There are many other questions.

Irrespective of, whether the events were a gross blunder of the police, tensely expecting of the acts of terrorism from different directions, or it was a well organized provocation of the Russian special services working against Chechens both in the Russia, and in the territory of Germany, or, maybe, they were some "doctrines of struggle against terrorism", all of us, Chechens living in Hamburg, have turned out to be a victim of injustice and lawlessness.

After this three-day action we expect tragic consequences for ourselves. We are afraid, that the continuation of this action will be prosecutions of Chechens in democratic Germany , just the same as it is done in totalitarian Russia . We have lived here for more than 4 years and many of us have not received the legal status of refugees till now, and for this reason we live, like in a ghetto: we cannot move freely for the distance of more than 30 kilometers, we cannot study and work. The consequence of the last anti-Chechen propaganda campaign will be dragging out of the decisions concerning the status of refugees, refusals in the status of refugees to us and deportation also will be inevitable. We try to prevent it with this letter. We suspect that the informer, the so-called "Egyptian" was a provoker, that all this was purposefully organized against all Chechens by interested forces.

Therefore we demand the legal estimation of the events, to punish the people, guilty of the premature distribution of unproved information discrediting, to restore our reputation, to publish the information in press denying the guilt of Chechens, to define the status of three innocent and slandered people according to the German law (whether they are guilty or not, whether they are still suspected or not) and to tell them definitely, whether they can feel easy and be sure and not be afraid, that tomorrow the same illegal actions will be repeated against them.

We think that police bodies and heads of the structures, which have carried out this rough inept operation, should be interested in correction of the mistakes if, certainly, Germany is really democratic country, where the law and order operate.

Refugees from the Chechen Republic Ichkeria, inhabitants of Hamburg :

/Signatures: (tens of surnames) /

/*Chechenpress *, the Department of letters, 02.09.05/



gazeta.kz

02.09.2005

Kazakhstan extradites suspected Chechen rebel to Russia

Kazakhstan has extradited Rustam Chaghilov, citizen of Russian Federation, suspected of a number of crimes committed on the territory of Chechnya, including participation in an armed band and possession of arms, KNB (National Security Committee) has informed KZ-today.

According to the KNB, the criminal case against R. Chaghilov, 27, was filed in June 2005 by the FSB (Federal Security Service) of Russia and then declared wanted. The judicial bodies of Russian Federation have authorised his imprisonment.

Chaghilov was arrested in Taraz on a request from the FSB by the national security authorities of Kazakhstan and by order of prosecuting authorities he was extradited.

The KNB press release marks that he was extradited to law enforcement authorities of Russia in the international airport of Astana on September 1 on a sanction from the general prosecutor's office of RK as per Minsk Convention as of 1993 "On legal assistance and legal relationship on civil, family, and criminal cases."



07:59 GMT, Sep 07, 2005 Latest Headlines...

Kidnapped Chechen resident found dead in Grozny

MOSCOW. Sept 7 (Interfax) - The body of Chechen resident Khasan Dzhautkhanov, who was kidnapped 24 hours ago in Mozdok, has been discovered in Grozny, the city's Leninsky district police department told Interfax on Wednesday. "Dzhautkhanov's body marked by with knife wounds was discovered on Tuesday evening on the bank of the Neftyanka River," police said. Dzhautkhanov and ex-policeman Musa Lechiyev were kidnapped by unidentified abductors in Mozdok in North Ossetia on September 6. Lechiyev was wounded and both hostages were taken in the direction of Grozny. In Grozny, Lechiyev was thrown down from a bridge into the Sunzha River. He was later found by policemen and taken to a hospital, police said.


eng.kavkaz.memo.ru

Caucasian Knot 30/8/2005

Human rights defenders compare figures

One hundred and fifty-two residents of Chechnya were abducted in the first six months of 2005, according to the Human Rights Centre Memorial which monitors the situation in the republic. Of them, 58 were ransomed or freed in another way, six were found dead, 86 have disappeared, and two are under investigation. "The figures are much lower as compared with last year," Memorial's Dmitry Grushkin comments on the statistics to Caucasian Knot. "However, it is not to be forgotten that our
monitoring comprises just 25-30% of the territory of Chechnya, mostly
its plain districts. We only receive information from mountainous districts occasionally. Therefore, we believe that actual figures are 3-4 times higher."

Earlier today, Arkadii Yedelev, Deputy Internal Affairs Minister of Russia and Commander of the Regional Operations Headquarters (ROH) for the Counter-Terrorist Operations in the North Caucasus Region, announced a considerable reduction of the number of abductions in Chechnya.

"The number of abducted persons was more than 2.5 times lower in 2004 as compared with 2003. The number of abductions also reduced by more than
50% during six months of 2005 as compared with the same period a year
earlier," Mr Yedelev told Interfax. According to the ROH commander's information, 513 such crimes were registered in 2003, 164 in 2004, and 79 in the first half of 2005. "By the way, such crimes are currently quicker and more often detected," emphasised Mr Yedelev.

Meanwhile, Mr Grushkin is sure that officials are "simply shuffling figures, manipulating them as they see convenient and useful."

"We do observe a certain reduction of the number of abducted people, but it is not as significant as ROH representatives announce it to be," says the human rights defender. "The fact should also be taken into account here that many relatives of those abducted are so disillusioned about legal institutions and even human rights organisations that they do not go to the prosecutor's office or police, but try to free their relatives on their own. Accordingly, these instances are not registered in any reports. This growing trend is confirmed by increase in the number of abducted people who are ransomed or freed in another way as compared with previous years. People distrust law enforcement and security agencies. They rely only on themselves. Even when they are released, people make no haste to lodge complaints or inform anyone about the committed crime. The principle is 'ransomed, alive, thank God.'"

As an example, Mr Grushkin reminded of the abduction of Aslan Maskhadov's relatives <http://eng.kavkaz.memo.ru/newstext/engnews/id/811920.html> in December 2004. "The relatives of the abducted people applied to the Prosecutor General's Office and human rights organisations only 1.5 months after the abduction," says the human rights defender.

"Of course, the situation with abductions in the Chechen Republic seems to have improved, especially when official figures are examined. But at the same time, the state of affairs in Chechnya is not as adequate as those officials who talk about lower numbers of abductions picture it," concludes Dmitry Grushkin.

"Repressions against relatives of rebels, including their hostage-taking, on the part of law enforcement and security agencies and the military became much more widespread and systemic by 2004 after so-called 'Chechenisation' of the conflict than they had been in the first four years of the war. While repressive actions against the families of combatants were either revenge or a method to obtain information previously, such methods have now become tactics of exerting pressure on rebels to make them surrender."

The human rights advocate thinks abductions and "counter hostage-taking" is mostly carried out by officers of Chechen law enforcement and security agencies. "Such actions are encouraged at the highest level," says Mr Grushkin. "Shortly before his depth, at the funeral banquet for the Yamadayev family in Gudermes on 1 May 2004, President Akhmat Kadyrov claimed he would punish all relatives of armed resistance members. Literally in a month, on 9 June, Ramzan Kadyrov told NTV television channel in an interview, 'We would punish their relatives by the law.'"

In the opinion of the Memorial representative, however, "such actions only yield a negative result."

"For Chechen men the inability to protect their women and old relatives who are captured most often is a grave blow on self-esteem," Mr Grushkin believes. "This method is not only vicious in itself, but it is also ineffective because it intensifies the motivation of opponents to the federal government."

"As one former hostage said, 'they also have relatives.' And indeed, we register that such methods of "counter-terrorism" lead to further embitterment of resistance and worsen the situation which is disastrous even without that. For example, in the spring of 2004 we registered punitive actions on the part of rebels against Kadyrov's relatives. That is, 'counter hostage-taking' is by no means the appropriate method to solve the problem of bringing constitutional order to the Chechen Republic," said Mr Grushkin.

*Author:* Alexander Grigoriev, CK correspondent



http://www.iwpr.net/index.pl?archive/cau/cau_200509_302_2_eng.txt

Chechnya: Foreign Aid Groups Face Hostility from Moscow

Foreign aid groups involved in Chechnya find their hands are tied by Russian bureaucracy and suspicion.

By Valery Dzutsev in Moscow (CRS No. 302, 01-Sep-05)

In July, the Czech aid group People in Need was forced to leave Russia after more than five years working in Chechnya. The Russian media accused the group of having links with Chechen rebels, a charge it denies.

The departure of People in Need is only the latest _expression of Moscow's attitude of mistrust, and sometimes outright hostility, towards foreign non-government organisations, NGOs, working in the North Caucasus.

"NGOs on the ground in Chechnya and Ingushetia are often harassed, and there is a certain distrust between NGOs and the security services," said Stephen Tull, head of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, UNOCHA, in Russia.

Aid groups have repeatedly been accused by the Russian government of misconduct, intelligence gathering, and even collusion with the Chechen rebels.

In May, Nikolai Patrushev, the head of the Federal Security Service, FSB, accused several foreign aid groups of working against Russia. Patrushev told the state Duma that the United States government-funded Peace Corps, the British charity Merlin, Kuwait's Social Reforms Society and the Saudi Red Crescent Society were out to harm the interests of the Russian state. He called for more scrutiny over the activities of aid organisations.

All four of the groups named by Patrushev had stopped working in Russia even before he made his allegations. They have all denied any misconduct. The US State Department called the charges against the Peace Corps "cynical".

Neil MacFarlane, professor of international relations at Oxford University, told IWPR, "It appears that some Russian security policy-makers suspect that humanitarian organisations are infiltrated by foreign intelligence agencies."

MacFarlane said Moscow's disdain for foreign aid groups was partly a legacy of Soviet-era attitudes. But he also suggested that the presence of humanitarian organisations on the ground made it harder for the Russian military to pursue indiscriminate strong-arm tactics.

Tull said relations between UN agencies and various Russian government offices are generally good, but vary from place to place, and there are cases of harassment

"People sometimes come to NGOs without even producing proper identification documents and start asking questions and checking papers and computers," he said. "In some cases, humanitarian agencies feel they are not welcome, and it makes it harder for us to work in the region."

The Danish Refugee Council, DRC, the UN's largest implementing partner in the North Caucasus, is a prime example of the problems facing foreign organisations. After years of working in the region, DRC secured a renewal of its permit to work in Russia only after two months' close scrutiny by the authorities, a UN source told IWPR.

Nonetheless, Per Albert Ilsaas, the head of DRC's office in the North Caucasus, said that the organisation was generally able to carry out its work.

"There is always room for improvement in getting through to the beneficiaries, but by and large, we succeed reasonably well in reaching the majority of the most vulnerable members of the population," said Ilsaas.

"We have been able to operate in all districts of Chechnya and I cannot really say we have had major obstacles in that. This is not to say that the monitoring we do now is entirely the same as it would have been had we had completely free access. There is an element of [monitoring by] remote control, but the access is satisfactory."

Responding to Russian claims that some of the humanitarian aid ends up in the hands of Chechen rebels, Ilsaas said, "We cannot stand over all 200,000 IDPs [internally displaced persons] and see what they do with the humanitarian aid. There is never a 100 per cent guarantee about anything in life."

In March, the Russian newspaper Argumenty i Fakty published a story entitled "UN rifles fire at our soldiers", accusing the UN and other humanitarian agencies of providing support for the rebels, evading taxes and trafficking drugs.

After filing repeated complaints about the article, UN officials were told by the Russian foreign ministry that it had no evidence of misconduct by the UN.

Other aid agencies say the poor security situation in the North Caucasus has badly hampered their efforts. Some believe the Russian government is not interested in improving security for them, because that would bring an unwelcome influx of aid workers.

The international medical aid group Medecins Sans Frontieres, MSF, stopped sending foreign nationals to the region after four of its staff were kidnapped between 1996 and 2002. The last of these, Dutch citizen Arjan Erkel, was seized in August 2002 and released only 20 months later. The Netherlands government later admitted to paying one million euros for his release.

MSF now employs only locally-hired staff for its operations in the North Caucasus.

As Andrew Cunningham, head of mission for MSF-Holland, told IWPR, "It is not at all a normal situation for us. Internationally, we never run programmes like this, completely by remote control. It's a major compromise that the organisation has to make.

"We all think that it is so important for us to be in Chechnya, to provide assistance in Chechnya. We are going to have [to make] very fundamental compromises."

Philippe Royan, of the European Commission's humanitarian aid office ECHO in Moscow, said security remained a concern. "Honestly, I must say the security situation has not improved recently. We can't tell our partners the situation is much better – that they should go more often to Chechnya, do more monitoring," he said.

Royan said a further complication is that many IDPs have moved back to Chechnya from refugee camps in Ingushetia and Dagestan, a factor which made it even harder for aid agencies to help them.

"Humanitarian agencies follow the beneficiaries. More and more aid is being shipped to Chechnya. And it has become more difficult to reach the beneficiaries," he said. "When there were tent camps in Ingushetia, it was quite easy to access them in a few hours and to check what was done with the food aid, the sanitation aid. When they returned to Grozny and you don't have good access, it becomes more and more difficult to monitor the aid."

Royan said obtaining permits from the Russian authorities to visit Chechnya had also become more difficult, "You never know if you will be given an access permit or not. It's a lottery sometimes - some days permitted, some days refused without explanation from the office."

In addition, he said, the Russians sometimes close the Chechen administrative border to foreign nationals for days, citing expectations of heightened tension or an outbreak of fighting.

The UN says 62 million US dollars' worth of aid was distributed in Chechnya through its offices in 2004. The total amount of aid sent to Chechnya is greater, since some donors fund NGOs directly rather than through the UN.

Professor MacFarlane believes the Russian military and its pro-Moscow Chechen allies should do more to provide security for aid groups, "It would be good if Russian and associated forces could provide adequate security, but they are probably not capable of it even if they wanted to."

MacFarlane said that Russian officials could at least ease bureaucratic hurdles that prevent aid groups from travelling freely or securing visas for their foreign staff.

He believes that the tension between Moscow and the aid agencies may begin to resolve itself, as - unless there is an upsurge in the Chechen conflict - the level of international humanitarian engagement will necessarily diminish.

In any case, the economic benefits brought by the foreign NGOs' presence may well outweigh any animosity that Moscow harbours towards them.

According to MacFarlane, "Humanitarian organisations reduce the burden on the Russian state budget. More importantly, perhaps, I think Russian policy-makers rightly take the view that the political costs of driving humanitarian organisations out exceed the political costs of having them there."

This was also the view of an official with an international aid agency, who did not want to be identified. This official told IWPR, "We often discuss how it is that Russia tolerates international humanitarian organisations. We arrived at the conclusion that it's because it would be no good for Russia to kick us out.

"As long as humanitarian organisations mind their own business [and] do not make too much noise, they are tolerated."

Valery Dzutsev is IWPR's coordinator in the North Caucasus.

 

ALTERNATIVE HEARINGS ON HUMAN RIGHTS IN RUSSIA TO BE HELD IN BRUSSELS ON SEPTEMBER 8 PARALLEL TO OFFICIAL EU-RUSSIA CONSULTATIONS

Press Statement by Initiative Group of Russian Human Rights Defenders

Moscow, September 5, 2005. On September 8, in Brussels, a second round of the “human rights consultations” between Russia and the European Union will be held. Russian human rights organizations welcome these consultations as such and are firmly convinced that they may develop into an important instrument of protecting human rights, strengthening stability, and promoting democratic values in Europe. For this reason, both Russia and the EU should be interested in an open and productive dialogue on the most urgent human rights issues; they should seek closer cooperation for the sake of step-by-step solution of the existing problems. Russian human rights defenders regard the newly organized consultations as especially important in view of the fact that in recent years the UN Human Rights Commission, the traditional mechanism of mutual control in the human rights sphere, has weakened.

At the same time, there is a danger that the discussions between the EU and Russia on human rights risk to be effectively removed from the public sphere and develop into “consultations for the sake of consultations,” that is, into just an imitation of a meaningful dialogue.

In order to remedy the situation, Russian and international NGOs working in the area of human rights and fundamental freedoms should be given a certain role to play in the dialogue between Russia and the EU on these issues. In particular, they should be informed of the agenda, acquire the possibility to suggest some agenda items and to supply the sides with agenda-related materials.

Political consultations should be doubled by expert consultations on the items of the agenda, in order to feed into the process, drawing upon the experiences of EU-China and EU-Iran comprehensive human rights dialogues.

Representatives of Russian and international NGOs should be given the right to be accredited at such meetings; this right should be extended at each particular meeting to those NGOs that supplied relevant materials and were recommended by at least one of the sides. It is also essential that Government delegations invite experts from key human rights NGOs to contribute to the actual discussion.

In July this year, a large group of leading Russian human rights organizations addressed the Governments of European Union States and the Russia Government with a detailed letter comprising these and other suggestions as well as outlining some priority topics for the inclusion in the agenda of the next two rounds of human rights consultations. They are as follows:

1. Observation of Human Rights by the Law Enforcement Agencies and Reform of the Law Enforcement System 2. Counterterrorism Struggle and Human Rights. Protection of Human Rights as an Important Element of Ensuring Security 3. Observation of Electoral Rights 4. Freedom of the Media 5. Persecution for Political Convictions and Problems of the Independence of the Judicial System 6. The Rights of the Military Servicemen and Alternative Servicemen 7. Migration and Human Rights, Ethnic Discrimination and Racially-Motivated Violence

Following on that letter, upon request of several European Governments, Russian human rights provided briefing papers on some of these topics. Also, in August, the UK Embassy in Moscow organized a special briefing for Russian human rights defenders with a group of British officials, as the United Kingdom, being the new President of the EU, is in the lead of organizing the September consultations in Brussels. At that meeting, Russian human rights defenders made their presentations on the aforementioned topics and discussed with the UK officials the prospects for the up-coming consultations. While the data and the advice of Russian NGOs were heartily welcomed by the British Government, the human rights defenders were told that their direct participation in the governmental consultations was not possible, as that would go against the regular procedure for official bilateral consultations.

Russian and international human rights organizations are convinced that both Russia and the EU will profit from an open public discussion of the human rights issues and from join quest for solutions. The EU and Russia are neighbors with common borders, and therefore any problems in the human rights sphere in Russia will immediately affect domestic developments in the EU member States. Therefore, tangible progress in the Russia-EU human rights consultations should serve as a condition for the progress in Russia-EU negotiations on “four common spaces” (including economics, security, visa regime, culture and science) and develop, in this way, the principles of the 1975 Helsinki Final Accord that speaks about indivisibility between security and human rights and says that human rights is not an “internal matter” of any state.

Unable to contribute to the official proceedings, Russian human rights defenders deemed it necessary to come to Brussels on the day of the official consultations and organize in cooperation with the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) special hearings on human rights in Russia open to the media, interested governmental officials and the wide public. At these hearings, leading human rights experts from Moscow and the Northern Caucasus will give talks and launch a debate on the priority human rights issues, with a special focus on the situation in and around the so-called zone of counter-terrorist operation. ***

Date and time of the hearings: September 8, 10.00 – 18.00 Venue: Hotel Tulip Inn, Avenue du Boulevard 17, Brussels Hearings are open to the public. No accreditation is required.

List of Russian experts: Ludmilla Alexeeva (Moscow Helsinki Group, Moscow) Shakhman Akhbulatov (Human Rights Center “Memorial”, Ingushetia) Vissarion Aseev (human rights defender, Beslan, North Osetia) Ruslan Badalov (Chechen Committee for National Salvation, Ingushetia) Alexander Cherkasov (Human Rights Center “Memorial”, Moscow) Yuri Dzhibladze (Center for the Development of Democracy and Human Rights, Moscow) Svetlana Gannushkina (“Civic Assistance” Committee, Moscow) Sergei Kovalev (International Society “Memorial”, Moscow) Ida Kuklina (Union of Soldier Mothers’ Committee, Moscow) Tanya Lokshina (Center “Demos”/International Helsinki Federation, Moscow) Lev Ponomaryov (Movement for Human Rights, Moscow) Ekaterina Sokirianskaya (Human Rights Center “Memorial”, Ingushetia) Boris Timoshenko (Glasnost Defense Foundation, Moscow)

Additional information: In Paris: Sasha Koulaeva, FIDH, tel. (33−1) 43−55−19−38, akoulaeva@fidh.org; In Moscow: Tanya Lokshina, Center “Demos”, +7 916 624-1906, lokshina@ihf-hr.org

__________________________________________
Joachim Frank, Project Coordinator International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights Wickenburggasse 14/7 A-1080 Vienna Tel. +43-1-408 88 22 ext. 22 Fax: +43-1-408 88 22 ext. 50 Web: http://www.ihf-hr.org
______________________________________





Russian Federation: Nizhny Novgorod Authorities Launch Final Crackdown on Russian-Chechen Friendship Society.

Today’s Protest Picket Dissolved after Five Minutes – Participants Detained

Vienna, 2 September 2005. Since the beginning of 2005, the Russian-Chechen Friendship Society (RCFS), a human rights NGO, has been the target of a concerted campaign of harassment by authorities in the region of Nizhny Novgorod. In the last few weeks authorities have taken steps toward completely halting the activities of this group.

The key weapon used by the authorities in their battle against the RCSF is a demand to pay around 28.200 Euro in allegedly outstanding taxes and fines. The regional branch of the Federal Tax Inspectorate has decided that all grants received by the human rights NGO in the past three years are to be treated as profit, and in accordance with this decision the Nizhegorodsky Tax Authority forcefully withdraw funds from the operational Rubel bank accounts of the RCFS on 26 August, and is in the process of doing the same from the Euro and USD accounts of the RCFS.

At the same time, a criminal case against Stas Dimitrievsky, RCFS Executive Director and Chief Editor of the RCSF Information Center, continues. Dimitrievsky has been charged with “inciting hatred or enmity on the basis of ethnicity and religion” (part 2b of Article 282 of the Criminal Code), offences which carry a maximum penalty of two years in prison, for allowing the publication of peace appeals by Akhmed Zakaev and Aslan Maskhadov in the Pravozaschita (Human Rights Defence) newspaper, co-published by the RCSF and Nizhny Novgorod Society for Human Rights (NNSHR).

Additionally, Dimitrievsky and the Oksana Chelysheva, co-editor at the RCFS Information Center, have been subjected to personal threats.

Attention: A picket held in front of the local Tax Inspectorate today was dissolved after 5 minutes, and its participants were detained.

On 2 September 2005, at 3 pm local time, the RCSF organized a picket in front of the building of the Tax Inspectorate of the Nizhegorodsky district of the city of Nizhny Novgorod. According to a statement by the RCFS, the aim of the picket was both to express disagreement with the “absolutely unlawful decision” to require that a public organization pay income tax on project funds and to “demonstrate contempt” for the tax officials who implemented this “dirty political order”.


This picket only lasted 5 minutes. Then, the twelve picketers were rounded up by twenty five OMON police officers, accompanied by five policemen and up to ten members of the Prosecutors Office, and taken to the Nizhny Novgorod ROVD (police department), where they remain detained as of this writing.

Background

The RCSF, which was founded in 2000, is based in the city of Nizhny Novgorod, and has branch offices in Nazran and Grozny. The NGO distributes independent information about the human rights situation in Chechnya, Ingushetia and other North Caucasian republics, defends the interests of victims of war crimes and assists children and disabled people victimized by the conflict in Chechnya. The RCSF has repeatedly criticised the authorities of the Russian Federation for severe human rights and humanitarian law violations in Chechnya and surrounding areas.

The ongoing campaign of harassment against the RCFS began in January 2005, when the Prosecutor’s Office of the Niznny Novgorod region initiated a criminal investigation into the publishing activities of the Pravozaschita newspaper. As noted above, RCSF Executive Director Stas Dimitrievsky was subsequently criminally charged. Then, in March 2005, the Federal Tax Inspectorate commenced an irregular audit of the RCSF’s accounts for the past three years and confiscated accounting and registration documents of the organisation. In April 2005, the Federal Registration Service (FRS) under the Ministry of Justice undertook an audit as well and initiated a court case against the RCFS because of its failure to provide the FRS with required documents (documents, which had been confiscated by the Tax Inspectorate just some weeks before). In June 2005, the Ministry of Justice issued a written notification to the NNSHR, ordering it to halt its activities, because they allegedly had not
transmitted to them the documentation they had requested in the framework of an audit into the organisation’s activities.

Following talks, the FRS agreed to discontinue court proceedings against the RCFS in June 2005 and the NNSHR was eventually authorised to take up its activities again as of August 2005. However, the judicial and fiscal harassment of the RCFS continues, as well as a media campaign against the organization.

1. Judicial case against the Pravozaschita (Human Rights Defence) newspaper, a joint publication by RCFS and the Nizhny Novgorod Society for Human Rights (NNSHR):

On 11 January 2005, the prosecutor’s office of Nizhny Novgorod Region initiated a criminal case against the Pravozaschita newspaper for publishing statements of Akhmed Zakaev and Aslan Maskhadov, calling for a peaceful end to the Russian–Chechen conflict. On 20 January 2005, a group of officers from the Federal Security Service (FSB) burst into the RCFS office, seized documents and computers, and then “invited” Dimitrievsky to come to the local FSB office for questioning him “as a witness”. He abided. Then, several board and staff members of the RCFS and the NNHRS, both in Nizhny Novgorod and Chechnya have been summoned and interrogated in relation to the investigation. This was particularly intimidating to the correspondents in Chechnya, and some of them subsequently decided to quit their jobs at the Information Centre.

Originally the criminal case was referring to article 280 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation, “Public calls to carry out extremist activity”, which is under the jurisdiction of the Federal Security Service (FSB). After having commissioned an expert report, which came to the conclusion that there was no evidence of the crime specified in Article 280, they passed the case to the Prosecutor´s Office. The case was amended so as to refer to Article 282 now (“Inciting hatred or enmity, as well as diminishing human dignity”). This is liable to up to two years imprisonment. It is now the responsibility of Oleg Kiryukov, a Senior Investigator responsible foe especially serious crimes.

On 20 June 2005, the Prosecutors Office of the Nizhny Novgorod Oblast held a press conference at which Konstantin Moiseyev, an Assistant Prosecutor, confirmed that a further expert report had found no evidence of the commission of a crime under Article 282.

Nevertheless, on 11 August 2005, Stas Dimitrievsky was for the first time interrogated as a suspect in this criminal case, at the prosecutor’s office of Nizhny Novgorod Region by the senior investigator Oleg Kiryukov. Mr. Dmitrievsky’s lawyer, Mr. Yury Sidorov, was present at the interrogation.

He was summoned to come to the prosecutor’s office again on 2 September 2005, 11 am. In this meeting he was officially charged.

2. The fiscal harassment of the RCFS, threatening the continuation of its activities

In March 2005, the Federal Tax Inspectorate commenced an audit of the accounts of the RCFS for the past three years. It was halted on 20 April, started again 14 June and was completed on 16 June 2005. While the tax office insists that an audit of this kind is carried out every two years, and is absolutely of a normal planed nature, the RCFS credibly fears that they have been singled out for a special audit as part of an orchestrated campaign against them.

On 3 June 2005 the accountant of the RCFS, Natalia Chernelevskaya, was called to an interview and allegedly threatened.

In the preparation of their record, the Tax Inspectorate referred to Article 100 of the Tax Code, providing that if a grant is received by an organization is considered not to be for a particular purpose, then it is to be taxed as profit. On 16 June 2005, the RCFS received an order from the Tax Inspectorate, according to which they have to pay 1’000’561 roubles (corresponding to 28,200 Euro or 35,000 USD) for non-payment of income tax and fines. It appears from the Record of the tax inspectorate that they decided that all grants received from RCFS for the past three years have been treated as profit. This refers to grants received from the European Commission, the National Endowment for Democracy Foundation (whose budget mainly comes from the United States Department of State) and the Norwegian Helsinki Committee in 2002, 2003 and 2004.

While the Tax Inspectorate argues that these institutions are not included in the Russian government´s list of donors whose subsidies are not taxable, the RCFS appealed against this decision on 28 June 2005, arguing that in their opinion the claims were unlawful and groundless, as the European Commission appears on that list, and as according to the bilateral agreement between the Russian Federation and the USA financial support allocated to non-profit organisations by US government agencies is not subject to taxation. On 11 July 2005, a meeting took place in the office of the Tax Inspectorate devoted to the examination of the RCFS complaint. The Tax Inspectorate maintained its decision to allege tax irregularities and to bring out further claims.

On 15 August 2005, the RCFS received another order, confirming the order to pay the same amount of taxes and fines. In this order, the deputy chief of the Tax Inspectorate, Mr. Trifonov, admitted that the European Commission is included in the list of donors from which grants are not taxable, but claimed that the RCFS had used this subsidy for “publishing and diffusing publications”, an activity that is not included in article 251 of the Tax Code of the Russian Federation. According to this article, tax free grants must be dedicated to “education, arts, culture and environmental defence fields”. The order further states that the bilateral agreement between the Russian Federation and the USA, signed in April 1992, does not concern grants awarded by the National Endowment for Democracy.

On 24 August 2005, the RCFS duly appealed to the Arbitration Court of the Nizhny Novgorod oblast against the decision of the tax inspectorate, and simultaneously asked to stop any further court procedures until the appeal was heard. The RCFS regarded as illegal and unreasonable the order of the tax inspectorate to treat the operational grants to them as if they were profits, for activities that are within the limits of authorized activity for public organisations. The Arbitration Court rejected the second part of the appeal, and on 26 August 2005, the regional tax authority forcefully withdrew funds from the operational Rubel bank accounts of the Russian-Chechen Friendship Society, and also began withdrawing the money from their Euro and USD accounts.

Due to this action, the RCFS loses the ability to continue its programs under these grants. Both the office in Nizhny Novgorod, the program for invalids from Chechnya, and the network of human rights monitors in Chechnya and Ingushetia are endangered to be destroyed. This also concerns 13 workplaces created by the RCFS in Chechnya, where there is an extremely high unemployment rate.

The President of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Putin, signed in June 2005 a new federal law (“Modification of the second part of the tax code of the Russian Federation and some other acts of the Russian Federation for taxes and tax collection”), which clearly and unambiguously states that means received for the protection of the rights and freedoms of persons in the Russian Federation, are exempted from the profit tax. However, these changes come into effect only from the beginning of 2006 and cannot be used retroactive. Therefore, contractions in the current law make it possible for the tax authorities to destroy any NGOs they like by selectively applying parts of the existing law while ignoring others.

Therefore, this action creates a dangerous precedent.

3. Media Campaign against the RCFS

From February to April 2005, RCFS members and Mr. Stanislav Dmitrievsky in particular, were subjected to a smear campaign that was launched in mass media venues of Nizhny Novgorod.

Local media have tried to associate the work of the group to Chechen terrorism. On 29 January 2005, the internet news agency of Nizhny Novgorod, APN, published an article on its web-site with the title “Freedom fighters or helpers of terrorists?” (http://www.apn-nn.ru/pub_s/126.html), in which legal experts accused the RCFS of open complicity with Chechen insurgents and warned that their activities in Nizhny Novgorod are dangerous for its inhabitants. On 12 March 2005, several local Nizhny Novgorod television channels, including RTR, aired a five-minute report, which claimed that the activities of the RCFS and its newspaper “Pravozashchita” (“Human Rights Defense”) are connected with Chechen rebels.

On 14 March 2005, the co-editor of Pravozaschita, Oksana Chelysheva, faced numerous threatening leaflets in her own neighborhood. The flyers contained slander, insult, and direct threats to Oksana Chelysheva in connection with her work at RCFS.

Conclusion

In past months, authorities have interfered with the activities of the RCFS and the NNHRS in a way that gives rise to concern. The series of investigative and other measures targeting the two organizations, which have been described in this statement, have apparently been aimed at obstructing their activities. As a result of official action taken in the most recent period, the important human rights work of the RSCF is now seriously threatened, while the physical and physiological integrity of the members of the organization is endangered because of continued harassment in media and elsewhere.

The International Helsinki Federation (IHF) urges the authorities of the Russian Federation to: · Put an end to all harassment against the RCSF and take effective measures to ensure the safety and integrity of Stanislav Dmtrievsky, Oksana Chelysheva and other members of the RCSF; · Protect the rights of all human rights defenders in the country in accordance with international standards, including the Declaration on Humans Rights Defenders (adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations on December 9, 1998), article 1 of which states that “everyone has the right, individually or in association with others, to promote the protection and realisation of human rights and fundamental freedoms at the national and international levels”;

See also : IHF statement, “Continuing Persecution of the Russian-Chechen Friendship Society. Its Partner Organisation Nizhny Novgorod Human Rights Society Closed Down by Authorities”, 10 June 2005 IHF statement, “”We Fear for the Safety of our Colleagues in the Russian-Chechen Friendship Society… Russian Human Rights Organization Threatened”, 19 March 2005 IHF statement, “FSB Raids the Russian-Chechen Friendship Society”, 20 January 2005 IHF/NHC Report, The Silencing of Human Rights Defenders in Chechnya and Ingushetia, Sept. 2004

For further information: International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights In Vienna: Aaron Rhodes, IHF Executive Director, +43-1-408 88 22 or +43 -676-635 66 12; Henriette Schroeder, IHF Press Officer, +43-676-725 48 29 In Moscow: Tanya Lokshina, +7 -916-624 19 06 Russian-Chechen Friendship Society, Stas Dimitrievsky, Oksana Chelysheva, +7-8312-171 666 or +7-920 0115 3306 (mobile)

__________________________________________
Joachim Frank, Project Coordinator International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights Wickenburggasse 14/7 A-1080 Vienna Tel. +43-1-408 88 22 ext. 22 Fax: +43-1-408 88 22 ext. 50 Web: http://www.ihf-hr.org
______________________________________


Nizniy Novgorod Report # 619

The editor-in-chief of the “Pravosachita” newspaper is charged

URGENT MESSAGE On 2 September 2005 at 10.50 am at the prosecutor’s office of Nizhny Novgorod Region the managing director of the Russian-Chechen Friendship Society and the editor-in-chief of the “Pravozaschita” newspaper Stanislav Dmitrievsky was criminally accused of committing the crime part 1 of Article 282 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (inciting to hostility) refers to. The charges against Dmitrievsky were preferred by a senior investigator Oleg Kirukov. After Dmitrievsky and his lawyer Yury Sidorov learned the facts stated in the Decision on instituting criminal proceedings, the investigator showed them the conclusions of the linguistic expertise carried out by a staffer of Privolzhsky regional center of legal expertise at the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation Larisa Telesenko.

Dmitrievsky stated that he didn’t agree to the conclusions of the bill of indictment and didn’t consider himself guilty. “There are no signs of inciting to ethnic, racial or any other kind of hatred in these publications. All the pathos of the articled that are incriminated against me is aimed against the policy of the leadership of the Russian Federation in Chechnya and not against any national, religious or social group”, investigator Kirukov reported what Dmitrievsky told him. Dmirievsky also claimed that he didn’t agree to the conclusions of the expertise and handed in the application to carry the second expertise by specialists of the Independent Expert and Legal Bureau (Moscow). The application is to be considered within the three-day term.

Dmitrievsky also asked to permit him make a business trip to Baku (Republic of Azerbaijan) for the period from September 6 until September 11 to meet a special rapporteur of the United Nations Hina Jilani. Kirukov turned the request down.

(From our correspondent)


Nizniy Novgorod Report # 620

Dispersal of the human rights picket

URGENT MESSAGE Today, on 2 September 2005, the unauthorized human rights picket that was being held in front of the building of the tax inspection of Nizhegorodsky district of Nizhny Novgorod situated at the address 52a Il’inskaya Street was dispersed by order made by the administration of Nizhny Novgorod and the prosecutor’s office of Nizhegorodsky district of Nizhny Novgorod. Members of the Russian-Chechen Friendship Society, Nizhny Novgorod Committee against Torture, Nizhny Novgorod Region Society for Human Rights, the Soldiers’ Mothers’ Committee, Nizhny Novgorod branch of “Yabloko” party and its youth movement participated in picketing the tax inspection. More than twenty people took part in the picket. It started at 3 pm under the following slogans, “Tax inspection – hands off from funds of public organizations”, “Return money of the Chechen disabled people”, “We’re not going to give in! Don’t expect it!”

The decision to hold a picket although it had been prohibited by the authorities of Nizhny Novgorod was taken by all its participants after on 1 September they had had the prohibition signed by the vice-mayor S.V. Gladyshev faxed to them and the prosecutor of Nizhegorodsky district of Nizhny Novgorod justice counselor A.A. Ponomaryov had issued a warning not to hold the picket. They motivated their decision by the breaking the terms of notification about the intention to hold the picket and by the fact that “exact information about the measures taken by the organizers to maintain the public order and to provide people with medical aid were not indicated in the notification…”. Besides, Mr. Gladyshev drew attention of the human rights people to the “existing moral reasons to forbear from holding a public action” in connection with commemorating the anniversary of the tragic events in Beslan. Issuing the warning , prosecutor Ponomaryov refers to the information that he allegedly has at
his disposal concerning “great possibility of unlawful acts being committed while holding this public action that have signs of extremist activities (public calls to forcible change of the constitutional order and breach of the territorial integrity of the Russian Federation, seizure of power, inciting to racial, national or religious hatred, …public disorder, committing ruffian or vandalism acts reasoned by ideological, political, racial, national hatred or hostility)”.

At about 3.10 pm representatives of the prosecutor’s office arrived at the scene of the occurrence and at 3.22 pm a bus brought an OMON unit to the scene. There were some twenty five OMON servicemen there. Having received the order over a portable radio, they came up to the participants of the picket and asked to disperse referring to the unlawfulness of these actions and the instructions given by the city administration. Oleg Khabibrakhmanov, a staffer of the Committee against Torture, was the first participant of the picket who was detained without any grounds. One of the OMON servicemen came up to him and asked to show his passport. When Oleg gave the passport to him, the OMON serviceman immediately took the passport to the militia bus. The OMON servicemen tried to snatch the banners of the Russian Federation and the unrecognized Chechen Republic of Ichkeria out of hands of the picketing people. One of them grabbed the Russian flag and was going to throw it to the ground. The
Russian-Chechen Friendship Society staffer Elena Sofronova got indignant at it and she prevented this law-enforcement agent from committing an act of vandalism against one of the state symbols Of the Russian Federation. By 3.29 pm twelve participants of the picket had been taken to the militia mini-van. They were Stanislav Dmitrievsky, the managing director of the RCFS; staffers of the Information Agency at the RCFS Elena Sofronova and Tatiana Banina, Igor Kalyapin, the leader of Nizhny Novgorod Committee against Torture and the staffers of the Committee Ylia Antonova, Evgeny Gladkov, Oleg Khabibrakhmanov, Elena Trmalova; the leader of the youth branch of the “Yabloko” party Vyacheslav Lukin, members of Nizhny Novgorod Society for Human Rights Viktor Gursky, Aleksey Grafov and Sergey Shimovolos. All the detainees were taken to the police office of Nizhegorodsky district of Nizhny Novgorod. As of the present moment, it’s impossible to reach the detainees at their cell phones.

The leader of the Committee of Soldiers’ Mothers Natalia Zhukova commented on the picket dispersal, “The events that took place at the building of the tax inspection are can be described as arbitrariness. The matter is that…Absolutely peaceful people came to state that they considered the decision taken by the tax inspection unjust. A group of these “frights” in camouflage was called against this absolutely peaceful demonstration that was of no threat to anybody. The first thing they did was grabbing the Russian banner and throwing it into the mini-van. I think that such law-enforcement agents should not treat the state symbols like that. Then they kept treating people in the same arbitrary way…Without any hesitation and paying no attention to journalists’ cameras and many people who were watching what was going on, the force agents grabbed the participants of the picket at their sleeves and violently pushed an elderly woman who felt bad afterwards. I can’t feel any other feeling
except indignation”.

(From our correspondent)


Nizniy Novgorod Report # 621

All participants of the peaceful picket dispersed in Nizhny Novgorod are released

2 September 2005. By 7 pm (Moscow time) all the detained participants of the picket dispersed in Nizhny Novgorod had been released. The militia drew up protocols on the breach of administrative law in the majority of cases. The militiamen didn’t manage to draw up some protocols as they received the order to release all the detainees three hours after their delivery to the police office of Nizhegorodsky district.

The RCIA reported before that on 2 September 2005 at about 3.35 pm, the unauthorized human rights picket that was being held in front of the building of the tax inspection of Nizhegorodsky district of Nizhny Novgorod situated at the address 52a Il’inskaya Street was dispersed by order made by the administration of Nizhny Novgorod and the prosecutor’s office of Nizhegorodsky district of Nizhny Novgorod. Members of the Russian-Chechen Friendship Society, Nizhny Novgorod Committee against Torture, Nizhny Novgorod Region Society for Human Rights, the Soldiers’ Mothers’ Committee, Nizhny Novgorod branch of “Yabloko” party and its youth movement participated in picketing the tax inspection. Twelve participants were detained by the special militia forces.

On 26 August 2005 the tax inspection of Nizhegorodsky district of Nizhny Novgorod began the procedure of compulsory withdrawal of funds from the Russian-Chechen Friendship Society bank accounts. The funds are withdrawn according to the order made by the tax inspection to exact the income taxes by sending the collection letters to the bank according to the procedure described in Article 46 of the Tax Code. 844 227 rubles were ordered to be withdrawn from the accounts. Meanwhile, on 24 August 2005 the decision made by the tax body was appealed to the Arbitrage Court of Nizhny Novgorod Region and on 29 August it was appealed to the superior tax body. Human rights advocates regard this attempt to put non-governmental organizations and commercial enterprises and to impose the income tax upon the assets of the organization that are meant to implement its projects as unlawful, absurd and politically biased.

(From our correspondent)

http://www.ria.hrnnov.ru/eng/index.php



Reports of the RCFS

Shatoy district. Chechen Republic Report # 615

Release of a resident of Pamyatoy village after his abduction

On 1 September 2005 a resident of Pamyatoy village of the Chechen Shatoy district Zelimkhan Babuev was released after his abduction perpetrated by a group of unidentified people on 26 July 2005. According to released man, he was subjected to torture including electrical shock.

The whereabouts of Ibragim Mimbulatov who was abducted together with Zelimkhan Babuev in the village of Pamyatoy remain unknown.

(From our correspondent)


Gudermes district. Chechen Republic Report # 616

Detention of a member of a criminal group in Gudermes

On 30 August 2005 the service personnel of the local police office carried operative and search actions in Tereshkova Street in the Chechen district center of Gudermes and detained a resident of Braguny village of the Chechen Gudermes district (born 1973). The biographical particulars of the detained man have not been revealed. According to a source within the Ministry of the Interior of the Chechen Republic, the detained man was “an active member of a criminal group”.

(From our correspondent)


Shalinskiy district. Chechen Republic Report # 617

Disappearance of a woman in Argun

According to a source within the Ministry of the Interior of the Chechen Republic, on 30 August 2005 a resident of Argun town of the Chechen Shali district center Israpilova Petimat Il’asovna (born 1988) living at 4 Polevaya Street disappeared without any traces left.

(From our correspondent)


Grozny. Chechen Republic Report # 618

New abductions in Grozny

On 30 August 2005 a group of ten unidentified people in camouflage took a resident of Grozny Kadyrov Khasan Akhmadovich (born 1976), who lives at the address 59 Druzhba St., ap.3, to an unknown destination, according to a source within the Ministry of the Interior of the Chechen Republic.

The same day in Leninsky (Avtorkhanovsky) district of Grozny unidentified people in camouflage armed with submachine guns abducted Chersiev Rasul Ramzanovich (born 1985) who lives at 14 Dudaev Avenue. According to a source within the Ministry of the Interior of the republic, there were four people in the group that perpetrated the crime.

On 29 August in Oktyabrsky district of Grozny ten unidentified armed people burst into the house situated at the address 37 Yunaya Smena Street and took Magomadov Rustam Rasambekovich (born 1976) under gunpoint to an unknown destination. The whereabouts and the destiny of the abducted man have not been established yet.

(From our correspondent)


Vedeno district. Chechen Republic Report # 622

Vedeno district is being shelled again

At dawn of 2 September 2005 the forested area situated in the vicinity of the village of Elistanzhi of the Chechen Vedeno district was subjected to shelling by the Russian artillery. In the previous evening the area situated between the villages of Elistanzhi and Khattuni of the Chechen Vedeno district was shelled. The local residents assume that shelling was caused by more active actions of Chechen armed resistance groups. Some information agencies, including Chechenpress, report that on 1 September at daytime a group of Chechen guerrillas blew up an APC of the federal forces 1,5 km away from the village of Elistanzhi.

(From our correspondent)

http://www.ria.hrnnov.ru/eng/index.php