Family shot dead in Chechnya's Shelkovsky district

Ruslan Isayev, North Caucasus - A Chechen family was shot dead by unknown assailants in the Shelkovsky district, northeastern Chechnya, on Monday night.

A group of armed men wearing military uniforms broke into the house of the Davletgeriyev family in the Shchedrinskaya village and murdered Sultan Davletgeriyev, his wife Zagran and daughter Fatima.

The circumstances and motives for the crime are being investigated.

NTV Mir 09 June 2004 [BBC Monitoring]

Chechnya`s strongman Kadyrov threatens to punish rebels` families

[Presenter] Twenty-four hours remain before the ultimatum which Chechnya's First Deputy Prime Minister Ramzan Kadyrov put to rebels runs out. Only a handful of rebels have laid their arms down voluntarily since the ultimatum was made. The deputy prime minister announced today that strict measures should be applied not only against rebels but against their relatives too.

[Ramzan Kadyrov] We should not forget that we are Chechens. Is it that they are allowed to kill our relatives, fathers and brothers, and we are not? This should not be the case. We will punish their relatives in accordance with the law. The law says they are helping bandits. They say that they are helping their relatives, brothers and sisters. Some of them are helping bandits. We will punish those in accordance with the law. If there is no such law, then we will petition the Russian State Duma to adopt such a law so that we will be able to punish them. Otherwise, the war in Chechnya will never end.

[Passage omitted]

Extremism, xenophobia on the rise in Russia

Associated Press Moscow, June 9

Semyon Tokmakov stretches out his hand and points to a thick scar he got from assaulting a black US Marine six years ago. The attack cost him 1 1/2 years in jail, but Tokmakov says he has no regrets.

"We are waging a racial holy war," said Tokmakov, 28, an informal leader among Moscow's skinheads, whose violence appears to be rising.

Over the last several years, Russia has become a strikingly hostile place for all those with African, Asian or so-called Caucasian features - the dark skin and dark hair typical for the peoples of the mountainous Caucasus region.

The US Marine was badly beaten in 1998 in a Moscow market, one of several foreigners targeted in recent years. The last few months have seen an especially shocking series of brutal racial attacks, such as the stabbing of a Guinea-Bissau student in the central Russian city of Voronezh, the killing of an Afghan asylum seeker in Moscow, and the slaying of a 9-year-old Tajik girl in St. Petersburg by suspected skinheads.

Ethnic minorities in Moscow complain that beatings and insults are almost a daily occurrence.

"Racially motivated crimes are growing in number and brutality by the year," Alexander Brod, head of the Moscow Bureau for Human Rights, told The Associated Press in an interview. According to a two-year study conducted by Brod's bureau and a few other groups, there are about 50,000 skinheads in Russia, with the two biggest cities, Moscow and St Petersburg, home to about 1,500 each. It said 20-30 people have died in such attacks annually in the past few years, and the number of such crimes is growing by 30 percent per year.

"When you kill cockroaches, you don't feel sorry for them, do you?" Tokmakov said, when asked whether he felt sorry for the slain Tajik girl.

The growing extremist sentiments are rooted in Russia's economic problems, including high unemployment in many regions, and the collapse of the Soviet Union, which sent hundreds of thousands of migrants from poorer former Soviet republics to Russia seeking jobs. "Why have they all come here?" Tokmakov said. "They bring nothing but drugs and AIDS. Every day they harass and steal our women."

Ethnic tensions are also fueled by Russia's nearly decade-long military conflict in the mostly Muslim province of Chechnya. Since shortly before the start of the second war in 1999, Moscow and several southern Russian cities have been shaken by a series of deadly blasts and suicide bombings authorities blame on Chechen rebels, which have further intensified xenophobic sentiments. Political parties and politicians openly played the nationalist card in the December parliamentary vote, calling for the ouster of migrant workers and promoting Russia for Russians. Two such parties enjoyed victory in the election.

Tokmakov said he and his associates had been on the ballot of one of these parties, the Homeland bloc, but their names were later crossed out. Party officials have denied that.

"When there are such economic and other hardships, there are usually two ways of dealing with it - the first is that of contemplating, the second is looking for an enemy and blaming him for your problems. Unfortunately Russia has chosen the second path," Brod said.

Rafael Arkelov, a 47-old Armenian singer who has spent all his life living in Moscow and for whom Russian is his first language, has experienced it all.

He was in a grocery store buying a chocolate bar and a bottle of champagne to visit his friends for a New Year's celebration when a man asked him for some change. After Arkelov refused to give him money, he saw the man approach two youths with shaved heads whom he identified as skinheads standing nearby and whispered something. Several minutes later, after Arkelov walked out of the store, he was jumped from behind.

"They punched me on my eyes, my face, and all of a sudden I couldn't see anymore. Then I collapsed to the ground and they started beating me with their feet," Arkelov recalled. "If it weren't for a woman across the street who screamed 'What are you doing?', if it weren't for this scream of hers, I think they would have beaten me to death."

Brod's study predicted that the number of skinheads could grow to 80,000- 100,000 within the next two years if authorities don't take measures to combat xenophobia. Interior Ministry officials have said they were closely watching 10,000 suspected members of extremist groups, but all too often racially motivated attacks are dismissed as hooliganism.

"Racism isn't unique to Russia, I know it exists in Europe and America," Arkelov said. "But unlike Russia, in those countries it is prosecuted and the state pursues specific policies to combat it."

eng.kavkaz.memo.ru Caucasian Knot 9/6/2004

Officially closed refugee camp still functions

As of June 8, only 3-4 tents remained in the last of the largest tent camps for Chechen refugees Satsita situated in the village of Ordzhonikidzevskaya, Ingushetia's Sunzha district, a source in the Sunzha district migration department of the Ingush Interior Ministry told the Caucasian Knot correspondent.

Meanwhile, the Satsita camp officially ceased to exist on June 7. The same day, Deputy Prime Minister of the Ingush Government for Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) Magomed Markhiyev told the Interfax news agency that "the Satsita camp exists no longer, and there are no tents there." Head of the Sunzha district migration department Ali Parov told the Caucasian Knot correspondent via phone: "One can speak about the final closure of the camp when several last families will be removed from here. The camp communication structure is functioning as usual now. Electricity, gas and water are being supplied to the camp." Mr Parov pointed out that refugees returned to Chechnya voluntarily as before.

Author: Malika Suleymanova, CK correspondent Source: Caucasian Knot

IWPR

Grozny Returnees Remain Penniless

Thousands of Chechens who've returned home from Ingushetia have not received promised housing compensation.

By Natalya Estemirova and Aslambek Badilayev in Grozny (CRS No. 237, 09-Jun-04)

At the entrance to the well-renovated five-storey brick apartment block in the centre of Grozny, two security guards ask strangers where they are going.

The former Chechen State University hall of residence has been turned into a temporary accommodation centre for Chechens returning to their native republic from the camps of Ingushetia, where they fled at the beginning of the second Chechen conflict in 1999.

On June 7 the authorities finally closed down the last tent encampment in Ingushetia, Satsita camp - although thousands of Chechens remain in makeshift accommodation there.

Many more have come back to an uncertain life in Grozny - and many of those are unhappy with what they have found. More than 1,500 are living in this old student hostel.

A good number of the returnees complain that they were induced to return by the promise of compensation for the houses they lost in the fighting - but have received nothing.

"They moved us and promised that we would get compensation but in reality it didn't happen," said 44-year-old Zaina Gatsieva. "I got the notification and they opened bank account but there is no money in it, I have been waiting since February. They don't tell us why there is no money, just say that Moscow didn't transfer the money."

Zaina, who moved from Ingushetia to the centre, not far from her destroyed former home, about a year ago, also complains that they have no sanitation or running water, although they were promised both.

The warden of the centre Said Isayev responded indignantly, "Who has them? Show me at least one building in Grozny where there is sanitation. It's because town services do not work. We don't have resources for processing sewage. And no water as at present we have to buy it."

Isayav appeaers to have little sympathy for the centre's residents, " Kings' live here, almost all of them have houses and cars. Why do they live here? [Because] it's easier to live, hands in pockets and stand eating sunflower seeds. Today they received flour, sugar, condensed milk and stewed meat. Every morning bread arrives, what else do they need. They have a good life as they don't need to do anything."

According to Isaev, people at the centre who received compensation for their ruined houses will have to start moving out. But the human rights organisation Memorial warns that some are being evicted after being notified that they will receive money, which never appears.

Memorial had a visit in February from Luiza Tazurkayeva, who was told she had received compensation. She and 13 others were ordered to vacate the centre to make room for others. But no money ever appeared in the bank. When Memorial called Lyoma Bichuyev, deputy head of the migration department, to find out further details, he said that everything had been done correctly. When it was put to him that to make someone homeless in winter was unconstitutional, he replied, "Oh well, who observes the constitution here?"

Movsar Kindarov, a 51-year-old former driver, moved to Grozny from Ingushetia last year. His home in Chechnya is in ruins. When he received news of compensation he thought he was one of the lucky ones.

"When we lived in tents, all sorts of people came to us and promised us housing, help, compensation," he said. "All we got was somewhere to live. Four months ago I was notified that I'd received compensation, so I opened a bank account. When I went to find out if it had come or not, people from the migration commission came and brazenly offered to do a 50-50 deal on my money."

Kindarov refused to pay a bribe and said that his money has been held up ever since. "They are just tormenting us," he said. "They've driven us here like horses, knowing we have nowhere else to go."

Memorial said that the Russian government, in concert with local officials, has been pursing a highly political policy of getting rid of embarrassing camps in Ingushetia regardless of the conditions the refugees were coming back to in Chechnya and the security situation in the republic.

This year has seen more violence in Chechnya compared to last year.

As for the receipt of compensation, Lyoma Kaplanov of the migration department admitted that many people were waiting to be paid. "So far out of 74,000 applications submitted only 9,000 have been checked in Moscow," he said.

Meanwhile, the housing situation has been put under further strain because Grozny residents made homeless by the floods of 2002 say that pre-fabricated houses built for them have been given to refugees from Ingushetia.

"We have already been waiting for two years, either for the roof to be completed, or something else," one of the victims Zura Abdullayeva told IWPR.

Jobs are also extremely scarce and many of the returnees say the only way to get one is to pay a large bribe. "I used to work for the ministry of trade, now I can get a job there only by paying a huge amount of money," complained 48-year old Magomed Turayev.

UN coordinator for humanitarian issues in Russia, Kasidis Rochanakorn, who recently visited the North Caucasus, is worried about the situation. "I am concerned with the ability of the Chechen Republic to absorb such a number of returning people," he said in an interview to Interfax. "First of all from the point of view of the possibility to provide these people with work. But I hope that with the help of federal structures necessary infrastructure will be created."

Natalya Estemirova works for the human rights group Memorial. Aslambek Badilaev is a journalist with the newspaper Zov Zemli.

Killings on the Increase

Ordinary Chechens complain of a "witch hunt" following the May 9 assassination of pro-Moscow leader Kadyrov.

By Umalt Dudayev in Grozny (CRS No. 237, 09-Jun-04)

Kalaus, a village an hour's drive from the Chechen capital Grozny, is a small community consisting of a few dozen houses surrounded by hills and oil rigs.

Along with other Chechen communities in the north of the republic, Kalaus was once considered safe and quiet - but not anymore.

At around 3am on May 31, a group of unidentified people in masks and army fatigues broke into a house, killing one local and kidnapping two others. The assailants were fully armed and drove three UAZ army jeeps without license plates.

One resident told IWPR that the kidnappers had targeted a private home at the edge of the village, beating up and dragging off two young men, Aslan Rasuyev and Jalil Mutsuyev. Jalil's brother Rezvan, who tried to resist, was shot and killed.

The local police told the family the kidnapping had been perpetrated by "unidentified criminals", and assured them all necessary steps were being taken to find and arrest those responsible.

But Kalaus villagers allege that the only possible culprits for the murder and abductions are members of the Russian security services. "Who else can drive three cars after curfew, pass dozens of checkpoints, and escape with two hostages?" asked Kureish, a relative of one of the kidnapped men.

"Obviously, these people had nothing to fear as they were acting on behalf of the authorities. We call them 'death squads'. They are not accountable to anyone, and do whatever they want."

Chechens say they have seen a noticeable upsurge in violence since the May 9 assassination of pro-Moscow Chechen leader Akhmad Kadyrov threw Chechnya into a new era of uncertainty. In particular, they say that the Russian federal forces - and deadly units of masked men they call "death squads" -- have become active once again.

"The Russian security services have used the killing of Kadyrov as an excuse to step up the terror against us," Grozny resident Makka Hamidova told IWPR.

"Whatever Russian and local officials say, things have become much worse here since May 9 - it's a veritable witch hunt. Russian security services are conducting 'clean-up operations' in Grozny and further south almost daily. Whatever you said about Kadyrov, he succeeded in reining in Russian violence. Now that he's gone they are out of control. Every day you hear about murders and people being taken away.

"A distant relative of mine works for the local branch of the Russian federal security service. He is a lieutenant colonel, and holds a pretty high post. He told me that the Russian military and security agents have stopped listening to him since Kadyrov's death. Chechens serving in Chechnya's security agencies have been downgraded to a secondary role. The Russians are fully in charge."

So-called "clean-up" operations in which Russian troops made brutal raids on a whole community, detaining young men and terrorising the locals, had all but stopped under Kadyrov. But on June 8 there were reports of just such an operation by federal forces in the village of Roshni-Chu, a traditional rebel centre.

A source within the Chechen police force insisted to IWPR that everything was indeed under control and insisted that "civilians have nothing to fear if they do not engage in illegal activity".

Lyoma Magomadov, a district police officer in Grozny, said, "There is no 'emergency'. Security personnel are simply responding to guerrilla activity, which generally intensifies in summer.

"We target our raids accurately to hit guerrillas and religious fanatics, who have carried out terror attacks, murders, and kidnappings. I don't think this has anything to do with the killing of Kadyrov. It is just business as usual, routine work that will continue until all guerrillas are annihilated."

The Chechen security services, who grew in power under Kadyrov, are still flexing their muscles. On June 7, Ramzan Kadyrov, son of the former president and deputy prime minister in the local Chechen government, warned on local television that if rebel fighters did not lay down their weapons they would be destroyed within three days.

However, rebel forces have stepped up resistance in recent weeks. On June 4 and 5, several Russian servicemen were killed and injured when mines went off in two Grozny districts. Russian military promptly retaliated with a series of "clean-up" raids and other "targeted" operations.

A series of rebel attacks has also targeted local pro-Moscow Chechen police officials. Several have been killed in recent weeks.

"Religious radicals are rearing their heads across the republic," Sergei Moskalenko of the Russian commander's office in Grozny, told IWPR.

"They recruit young people for their cells that target officials, Russian soldiers and Chechen policemen. We are fighting back, but the moment you arrest or kill a militant, they kick up a big row. People stage rallies, and all sorts of non-governmental organisations cry out about human rights violations. There are forces working to present what's going on in Chechnya in a negative light only."

The officer was probably referring to a mass protest outside the Chechen government headquarters in downtown Grozny on June 2, when some 200 women from across Chechnya demanded information about missing relatives allegedly kidnapped by Russian soldiers. The protesters also demanded an appointment with Council of Europe rapporteurs Rudolf Bindig and Andreas Gross.

The rally was brutally broken up by soldiers and Chechen police, and several women were injured and taken to hospital. Chechen security council secretary Rudnik Dudayev, who had reportedly given the order to suppress the rally, described the protesters as "mothers of criminals".

"So far, we have information about 19 deaths in Chechnya in May alone - six civilians, three armed guerrillas, two government officials, and one security officer. However, seven other bodies are yet to be identified, so this information is tentative and incomplete," said Shakhman Akbulatov, a human rights monitor from the Memorial organisation.

"During the same period, 25 Chechens were kidnapped. The families of three paid a ransom, but the other 22 are still missing. These figures prove that innocent civilians suffer the most at the hands of Russian military in Chechnya.

"The night raids, arbitrary executions and kidnappings that have become customary in the past five years have to stop otherwise this vicious circle of violence will continue, and the conveyor belt of death in Chechnya will never stop."

Umalt Dudayev is the pseudonym of a Chechen journalist and frequent IWPR contributor.

Slovak aid worker goes missing in Chechnya

Bratislava, Slovakia, Jun. 10 (UPI) -- A 28-year-old female, Slovak aid worker has gone missing somewhere between the neighboring Russian republics of Chechnya and Ingushetia.

The Slovak daily SME Thursday reported that authorities feared the woman, Miriam Jevikova, had been kidnapped. The breakaway Russian republic of Chechnya has been the scene of violence for over a decade since Chechen separatists declared independence from Moscow's rule. Dozens of people have been kidnapped either by bandits demanding ransoms or by militant Islamists making political demands on the Russian government.

The Czech newspaper Lidove Noviny reported that Jevikova had sent a text message from her mobile telephone saying, "They have been dragging me over a field for two hours."

The message has been taken as a strong indication that Jevikova has in fact been kidnapped.

Russian President Vladimir Putin has vowed to bring peace and stability to Chechnya but there are few signs of success. Russian troops in Chechnya are subject to daily attacks and rebels have mounted terrorist bombing campaigns as far away as Moscow.