Trying to answer this question, although more often at present there is no clear,
definite answer to it, I decided to address respected experts - political scientists,
sociologists. I met one of such experts - Boris Semionovich Gershunsky - in absentia,
after I heard his speech on the Russian-American television (unfortunately, recently
he has made no public statements, and I can only guess the reasons why). I became
interested in his speech and contacted Boris Semionovich. To begin our acquaintance
he sent me his book - "Will President Putin save Russia?" published in 2000 in
Riga; written BEFORE the ELECTION of "Yeltsin's successor."
Short data about the author (from the cover of the brochure).
"Boris Semionovich Gershunsky - member of the Russian Academy of Education, doctor
of pedagogical science," professor, the head of the Center for Russian-American
Studies. The author of more than 300 scientific and publicist works on the problems
of social-pedagogical prognosis, philosophy of education, political science.
The book "Will President Putin save Russia?" is a small brochure, but it contains
a quintessence of the characteristic of the Russian society as a whole and its
modern peculiar features, enough to realize where the country is headed for at
the edge of 1999-2000, why it happened and what this way is fraught with.
The laconic book reflects the pain of a citizen who realizes the responsibility
of a true historic stage, which demands great efforts on both sides of the ocean
to try to avert from Russia, and may be the entire world, new dangerous trends
taking shape in the country.
Having defined the reasons for and factors of the crisis situation of the Russian
society, Boris Gershunsky suggests and substantiates a treatment recipe - a mutually
beneficial cooperation between Russia and the USA aimed at Russia's real integration
into world economy and community of democratic countries as soon as possible.
To achieve that, first of all, it is necessary to realize that "integration in
the sphere of education - is one of the most important strategic priorities of
the Russian-American cooperation, and investments into this sphere - are the most
lucrative and efficient investments in the future of both Russia and the USA...
the ultimate task of such integration.... is to ensure openness of the Russian
education sphere."
Second, "it is necessary, wasting no time, to openly and directly support the
existing true democratic opposition in Russia... which has to oppose not only
a neo-communist and national- patriotic invasion, but also... the regenerating
legitimate power."
Then, in the background of objective social-economic and political features of
the Russian society and subjective political portraits of its key leaders the
author analyses the "phenomenon" of Vladimr Putin's impetuous rise to power.
The situation is boiled down to the fact, Boris Gershunsky concludes, that in
modern Russia "ideas of terry Russian nationalist prevail... in different variants
and at different levels these ideas more actively, avalanche-like and steadily
engulf the masses.... And that is a possible forthcoming tragedy of Russia
and the entire world. Having reached the blessed land of desperate everyday life
of Russians and in fact facing no adequate opposition in terms of cogency, bright,
populist safe national-patriotic ideas have already filled the ideological vacuum
which formed right after the collapse of the communist regime... At the end of
the 20th century Russia... in the eyes... of in fact indifferent world considered
it possible to directly kill many thousands of women, children, old people of
the long-suffering, but recalcitrant Chechnya...
Only a decisive and overall opposition at all levels and by all means to
the growing threat of aggressive nationalism and fascism in Russia can avert the
catastrophe.
The struggle for Russian democracy, for Russia's conscious democratic choice -
is the struggle for minds and hearts of the youth.
Finally, the future of Russia depends on moral, spiritual forces of the Russian
society, on the age-long and natural bent of Russians, as well as other nations,
for freedom, social justice, goodwill in personal relations, to good in all its
forms."
Boris Gershunsky reveals a link between the crisis situation of the Russian society,
the thirst for a "strong arm," unleashing the massacre in Chechnya, development
of aggressive nationalism and loss of fundamental moral values of the Russian
society. All that, in his opinion, gives way to "nazification of the Russian society"
which will entail catastrophic consequences for Russia and the world.
More than a year has passed since the book came out. The worst predictions by
the author came true. First of all, regarding the Chechen war, which turned
into a quintessence of tendencies leading the country to an abyss.
This war has become an indicator of moral condition of the Russian socium, having
divided the country into supporters of official lie and adherents of the truth
and justice. The Chechen war, no matter what the authority may wish, objectively
gives way to neo-fascist and neo-Stalinist forces in Russia and entails a number
of negative trends, "justifying" these forces in the eyes of Russians and the
world.
In order to oppose a possible opening of fabrication and provocation against the
whole nation (as well as other misdeeds from authorities and circles close
to them), an unprecedented [since the demise of the Soviet Union] suppression
of democratic forces and mass media providing coverage of the real situation in
the country has been carried out.
Investigation-court procedures of "suspects in committing terrorist acts," especially
Chechens (mostly young men illegally detained during the so-called cleaning up
operations), - are taken from the time of Grand Terror: exacting "confessions"
under monstrous tortures, closed processes, deliberate delays in order to ensure
the desired scenario, absolute impunity of Russian murderers and biased "justice"
for fighters of the Chechen Resistance, and finally, an absurd "bloody slander"
against the whole people, the recurrence of this absurd at all levels.
"Spy cases" are fabricated. Persistent attempts to take contacts of Russians with
foreigners under control as well as to revive the Soviet system of suspicion and
reporting are undertaken.
Putin's cult of personality is boosted alongside with attempts to make mass culture
serve the authority and it is first of all aimed at bringing youth up in the proper
way.
There are unprecedented, since the collapse of Communism, attempts to control
the Russian-speaking diaspora all over the world. Under a partially exaggerated,
partially speculative pretext of "protecting interests of Russians abroad" the
authority tries to form a "Russian lobby" to support, and there is no doubt of
it, the "general line" of the present regime. To that purpose congresses of Russian
mass media are held, printing bodies are created under the auspices of these
structures, which support the present Russian authority, movements similar to
the "new Eurasia" are organized.
At the same time, Putin's administration spares no effort to create an appearance
of the country moving towards democratic order and economic liberalism. There
is no one- party system - but all the parties are given their roles in a common
scenario and those who refuse to play on this scenario are dealt with in different
ways. Human rights movements haven't been suppressed (so far?), but the authority
tries "to tame" them and also creates its quasi-structures (for example, "a special
representative for human rights in Chechnya," who does all he can to hide the
crimes committed by the Russian forces; the establishment of several parallel
organizations of soldiers' mothers).
A complete "helplessness" of the authority against impudent fascist, anti-Semite
and ultra-nationalistic groups contributes to the formation of a pseudo-democratic
regime. It seems that the Constitution guarantees freedom of expression,
assemblies and demonstrations only to them. And such "decor" reaches its aim:
first, in the background of "unofficial" neo-fascists Putin looks like a democrat
and a liberal; second, constitutional norms "are observed;" third, the Russian
society supports and develops the phenomenon, which Hanna Arendt, a prominent
researcher of totalitarian regimes of the 20th century, called - "making evil
banal."
Under the pretence of "freedom of speech" persistent "discussions" of Stalin's
actions are held, there are attempts to rehabilitate him.
As a result of all these actions by the new-old Russian regime, it seems
that the whole society, excluding a handful of true human rights activists and
just honest and brave people, has lost elementary fundamentals of morality. The
virus of ethnic hatred, immorality, and criminal - in the given conditions - indifference
to the forces threatening to return our country back into the time of Grand Terror,
has captured a considerable part of yesterday's Soviet people here, in the USA.
I feel it on myself: it becomes harder to publish realistic information on the
war in Chechnya in Russian-language American press, and when I urge fellow countrymen
to join efforts to help Chechen refugees doomed to "natural" death in tent camp
in Ingushetia I hear: "No help to Chechens." Such position, in my opinion, is
not just immoral, but also irresponsible: those who share such views do not even
think how miserable children of the war will grow up in the atmosphere of indifference
and hatred, if... they do not die from hunger, cold, and diseases. Such
people give themselves no account of what consequences the loss of compassion
to the miserable as well as a blind perception of the hurrah-patriotic propaganda
might entail for us, yesterday's Soviet people living here.
Fortunately, the epidemic hasn't affected everyone. Many immigrants realize where
Russia is moving; many are faithful to the traditions of charity and justice.
Having realized what is going on, some of them see ways neither to oppose the
offensive of neo-fascism in Russia, nor to stop the bloodshed in Chechnya.
What does professor Gershunsky think in this respect? I offer to your attention
our conversation.
Nadezhda Banchik - How do you view the contents of your book today? What, in your
opinion, has come true, and what hasn't?
Gershunsky - Unfortunately, the saddest prognoses came true... The Russian leadership
has chosen the violent method to solve numerous domestic and foreign problems.
My book ends with words: "People, watch out! Dictatorship is setting in Russia..."
So far this appeal has remained topical.
Nadezhda Banchik - Did Russians have a chance of avoiding, according to Elena
Bonner, a "moral decay" or was it predetermined by deep and irreversible patterns
of the current stage of the Russian society?
Gershunsky - There is always a chance... But many years (over three fourths of
the century!) of criminal violence of the communist regime against the Russian
people have broken the mental opposition of the Russian socium, turned Russians
into an obedient object of ideological manipulations, unreasonable political decisions
and intrigues... An effect of mental immune deficiency. Mental AIDS... It is hard
to overcome this social illness. Time and patience is necessary. The only way
out - to use the possibilities of culture, especially, education. But only if
these spheres are acknowledged as priorities for Russia and are oriented at highest
values and ideals stated in the Constitution, - building a free, democratic, civic
society and a law-abiding state.
Nadezhda Banchik - Can the development of dangerous trends be opposed today and
in what ways?
Gershunsky - First of all, it is necessary to speak the truth about Russia...
Both in the country and abroad. The situation demands a rapt attention to Russia's
problems from the side of Russian and world public. And the role of mass media
is very high in this respect. They have to give the alarm to warn about danger...
Nadezhda Banchik - You write about a certain rise in Russian economy and
an insignificant improvement of the life of Russians just before the presidential
election. But a lion's share of resources disappears in the abyss of the
war as well as senseless actions to create "the image" of Russia?
Gershunsky - Russia's economy is in a deep crisis. And the Russian top leadership
admits it. Growing world oil prices causes a certain rise, but oil prices are
unstable and cannot be a long-term and the only factor of economic growth.
Nadezhda Banchik - You warned world leaders, first of all the USA leadership,
against isolating Russia. But they have chosen another fatal way. Having
agreed to cooperation with official Russia, they in fact blessed it to continue
the barbaric war and the related policy thereby crossing out their own moral-political
principles of democracy and human rights, violating international law (the
Convention on prevention of genocide crime, the Convention on protections of civilian
population during armed conflicts, the Convention of protection of war prisoners).
Desperate letters of Russian and European figures of culture and human rights
activists to world leaders have so far remained unanswered. The democratic world
opposes neither curtailment of fragile Russian democracy, nor Russia's demonstrative
anti-western behavior (attacks on Georgia for its striving to join NATO, attempts
to form blocs with Iran, Syria, North Korea), nor pumping up the military
hysteria speculating on the term "international terrorism" and a threat
"of conflict between civilizations." Haven't world leaders noticed it?
Gershunsky - We have to admit that sometimes people act when it is too late...
And not only in Russia...
Nadezhda Banchik - The West supported Soviet dissidents. Today - we see almost
a complete indifference to the fate and desperate appeals of a handful of brave
people who dare in today's Russia, sometimes running deadly risks, protecting
ideals of the truth, human dignity, justice and charity. Do they have nothing
to hope for? What can we say when refugees of the Chechen war are denied
asylum in the western countries?
Gershunsky - Non-resistance to evil is likely to entail even bigger evil... The
sooner the West understands it, the better. The more chances Russia has
for a civilized future.
Nadezhda Banchik - You denounce the war in Chechnya, but you also write about
Chechen terrorists and the necessity to struggle against them. There is enough
evidence that "terrorism" in Chechnya, at least partially, is provoked by Russian
supporters of the "war till final victory" (what does a "final solution to the
Chechen question" mean). By means of cleaning up operations among civilians,
torture and humiliations Russian troops force Chechens to join the ranks of rebels.
Also there isenough information that the invasion into Dagestan in the summer
of 1999 was prepared in a secret cooperation of Basayev, Berezovsky and Russian
"hawks." Can we talk about "Chechen terrorism" like a serious independent social
phenomenon? May be we shall admit that to a great extent the war was provoked
and "terrorists" - are in fact fighters of the Resistance, partisans, who have
no other way out except for an unequal, desperate opposition to a huge army of
murderers and marauders?
Gershunsky - The state terrorism from the side of Russia during the first Chechen
war gave birth to a cruel and inhuman terrorism in response, local terrorism.
And in the conditions of the hardest economic situation banditism became
mass in Chechnya. I have been to Chechnya and know it from my own experience...
But one thing is to struggle against bandits, and another thing - a large-scale
war against the whole nation. The war in Chechnya must be stopped. And the
role of world public is key in this respect.
Nadezhda Banchik - Let's go back to the main idea of your book - the idea of an
equal and purposeful Russian-American cooperation. But the forces interested in
further corruption of the Russian society also appeal to Russian-American contacts!
In particular, they speculate on the worst examples of the American "mass-culture"
(to be correct, "mass lack of culture"), the power of money and personal success,
on extremes of freedom (in particular, in the sphere of intimate relations), etc.
No one seems to promote in the Russian society such obvious achievements
of Americans as interethnic tolerance, respect to human dignity, social
security, mercy to invalids and the elderly. What features of Russians and Americans
at the edge of the third millennium are the most important to oppose fatal
trends in the Russian and also in the American society?
Gershunsky - The main thing is civil responsibility of everyone. This is
the problem both for Russia and the USA. More so for Russia, because Russians
have no experience of living in a free, democratic, civic society and a law-abiding
state. That is why the formation of civic society is of such importance for Russia.
Theproblems of political education and self-education of Russians, their
active familiarization with the experience of other countries come to the forefront.
And any assistance from America, the West in solving this crucial problem forRussia
is so important.
Nadezhda Banchik - You underscore that the most important sphere of opposing negative
tendencies - is education and bringing up youth. But the "opposite" camp does
not sleep. How can we attract youth to the ideas of humanity and justice? What
do you mean by the harmony of mind and faith in contemporary education?
Gershunsky - We need a wise leader who will finally understand that without mass
human support no progressive reforms are to develop. Formation and transformation
of mentality - is a historic phenomenon in its scope and nothing else. Only education
is able to return to an individual the lost faith in the sense of his life, possibility
of a full life realization. And knowledge, skills, and experience acquired during
years of apprenticeship must help the individual to solve the problem. But it
will take long time. That is why today's Russia badly needs a historic respite
from overall upheavals, which have haunted it over many centuries of its history,
especially in the 20th century. And many do not realize this simple truth.
Nadezhda Banchik - Is it possible to oppose persistent attempts to make Russian-language
mass media here in the USA serve the new Russian regime?
Gershunsky - Russian-language mass media, in my opinion, shall be, of course,
independent from any influence and provide reliable information about Russia.
It is a big mistake to believe that the Russian-speaking community in America
shall not be interested in Russia. The world is united. Destructive processes
in Russia, the threat of its nazification, return to tyranny, pumping up anti-American
moods is fraught with grave consequences for the present and future generations
both in Russia and in the USA.
Nadezhda Banchik - What can you say about a possible development of the situation
in Russia?
Gershunsky - Finally, the future of Russia depends on Russians, on their
civil responsibility for the fate of the country, on whether or not they
will be able to realize that the first duty of each citizen - is to know
his constitutional rights and be able to use them in personal interests and in
the interests of his country.